Abstract
The present paper is a reassessment of the empirical and theoretical arguments presented by some of main minimalist accounts for binding. Some if these accounts assume that the binding principles are conditions on LF representations, others argue that they are derived by narrow syntax computations. Despite that, I present some observations indicating that there is not yet a satisfactory minimalist account for binding. The amounted evidence indicates that binding is derivational. However, pragmatics seems also engaged in building coreferentiality.
Highlights
The demolition of the Government and Binding Theory (GB) in favor of a more minimalist, theoretically austere, research program was a necessary step towards explanatory adequacy
I believe the review above indicates that binding results from narrow syntax computations
Placing the binding principles at a representational level is part of the GB tradition, and, maintaining this tradition might force us to shoulder mechanisms extraneous to the minimalist methodology adopted so far
Summary
The demolition of the Government and Binding Theory (GB) in favor of a more minimalist, theoretically austere, research program was a necessary step towards explanatory adequacy. Principles A, B, and C, coined within the GB framework to account for the distribution of R(eferential)-expression, pronouns, and anaphors, are a flagship of the descriptive adequacy of the formal apparatus proposed by Generative Grammar. Some ongoing proposals assume that the binding principles follow from conditions on LF representations, others argue that they are derived by computations within narrow syntax.
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