Abstract
The phonological process of assimilation of voice is a distinct feature of both Dutch and Afrikaans. However, there seem to be some prominent differences between these two related languages, especially with regard to the phenomenon of regressive assimilation of voice. Regressive assimilation in Dutch is, according to the literature on this subject, much more restricted than in Afrikaans with regard to the types of segment that are conditioning this sound change. In Afrikaans, assimilation of voice can be triggered by any voiced segment; in Dutch it is stated that only voiced explosives are responsible for such change. In this article it will be demonstrated that this is an unnecessary restriction, and indeed incorrect. This faulty description is due to the fact that the ‘w’ sound in Dutch (as in "water") is typified in a variety of ways in the Dutch literature. It will be shown that ‘w’ is a voiced fricative, and is, together with the voiced explosives, involved in regressive assimilation of voice in much the same way as it is in Afrikaans.
Highlights
Stemassimilasie as fonologiese proses bestaan in sowel N ederlands as Afrikaans; trouens, in die geval van N ederlands is dit reeds intensief bestudeer en beskryf, byvoorbeeld deur Z w aardem aker & Eijkm an (1928:225-226), Van Loey (1959:47,54), Van den Berg (1964:63-64), Van Bakel (1976:57-58), Loots (1983:173), Trom m elen en Zonneveld (1979:43 en 100 e.v.), Booij (1981:79 en 151-152), Slis (1983:249) en Zonneveld (1983:298 e.v.). Ponelis (1990/1:61) wys die gevestigheid en verbreidheid daarvan in N ederlandse dialekte
G ouds) uit, m aar is van m ening dat dit b ep erk is in A frikaans
W at veral opvallend is in die geval van genoemde N ederlandse beskrywings is die áfwesigheid van stem hebbende frikatiewe as kondisionerende tweede konsonant, nie net eksplisiet in die reels self nie m aar ook implisiet in die voorbeelde
Summary
Stemassimilasie as fonologiese proses bestaan in sowel N ederlands as Afrikaans; trouens, in die geval van N ederlands is dit reeds intensief bestudeer en beskryf, byvoorbeeld deur Z w aardem aker & Eijkm an (1928:225-226), Van Loey (1959:47,54), Van den Berg (1964:63-64), Van Bakel (1976:57-58), Loots (1983:173), Trom m elen en Zonneveld (1979:43 en 100 e.v.), Booij (1981:79 en 151-152), Slis (1983:249) en Zonneveld (1983:298 e.v.). Ponelis (1990/1:61) wys die gevestigheid en verbreidheid daarvan in N ederlandse dialekte Stemassimilasie as fonologiese proses bestaan in sowel N ederlands as Afrikaans; trouens, in die geval van N ederlands is dit reeds intensief bestudeer en beskryf, byvoorbeeld deur Z w aardem aker & Eijkm an (1928:225-226), Van Loey (1959:47,54), Van den Berg (1964:63-64), Van Bakel (1976:57-58), Loots (1983:173), Trom m elen en Zonneveld (1979:43 en 100 e.v.), Booij (1981:79 en 151-152), Slis (1983:249) en Zonneveld (1983:298 e.v.). W anneer die genoem de beskrywings van regressiewe stemassimilasie van naderby beskou word, skyn dit asof daar, ten spyte van die ooreenkomste wat op die gebied van konsonantverskynsels soos assimilasie tussen die nouverwante tale Afrikaans en Nederlands bestaan, tog ook groot verskille is. ' My dank aan ’n naam lose keurder wat waardevolle opmerkings en redaksionele w y s i^ g s voorgestel het
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