Regional Art Studies in Modern Russia (Introductory Article)

Comment: World without Art

This essay stems from a scepticism about a core prospect for a 'twenty-first-century art history'. Specifically, it derives from doubts about the constitution of a global art history that at least until James Elkins published his renowned and polemical review in The Art Bulletin was perhaps not quite 'the most pressing problem facing the discipline' (as Elkins fired in the review's opening salvo). This is the deep concern that we can talk about 'a' note the singular here global art history, and it is a concern that aligns me with the numerous criticisms of Elkins's discourse in recent years, including those published in the anthology (edited by Elkins) titled Is Art History Global? By what criteria, for instance, are we to demarcate this art history from the supposedly distinct disciplines of anthropology, cultural studies, or, more slippery still, art criticism? Who defines these criteria so that institutional norms and forms may, in Elkins's words, be 'compatible wherever they are taught', as though heading towards a conceptual homeostasis driven by consensus, the compatible, or even the revenge of universality? Does this still smack of a certain teleology, one that shifts from conflicting local and national art histories to a more harmoniously global art history a trajectory that draws art history's future a little too close, perhaps, towards the supposed 'end of history', and the end of conceptual or ideological conflict, as trumpeted by Francis Fukuyama two decades ago? Or is a global art history, as Elkins on occasion implies, more synonymous with histories of non-Western art, such that a split re-emerges between an art history of the globe and a Western art history that, in reality and by virtue of its subsistence, still has global reign?

Alexander Bykhovskii was a Russian artist who worked in 1910–1950s and the author of works of different types and genres of plastic arts, including graphic works, poster, sculpture, decorative and applied arts. Style of Bykhovskii’s works has a strong link with expressionism, constructivism and realistic art at the same time. Besides painting, Bykhovskii wrote a lot critical essays and articles about theory and history of art. We examined the artist’s manuscripts in order to find out the main aspects of his ideology and to search connection between his philosophy and his art. As a result we can conclude that the main aspects of philosophy of Bykhovskii’s creativity are: cosmism, expressivity and dynamism, optimistic and dramatic senses, monumentalism. Also we examined Bykhovskii’s attitude toward classical art and discovered the antique reminiscences in some of his works. Though Bykhovskii’s philosophy of creativity was somehow typical for his epoch, his creative development was different from both the soviet official and vanguard artists, and the figure of Bykhovskii is quite unique in the history of Russian art.

Today’s culture presents new important challenges for the education system. The transformation of cultural norms and standards and the movement of social consciousness towards tolerance require the formation of a new ideal of "cultural human". The value of professional knowledge implies a strong connection with the moral upbringing of future professionals and their orientation towards general cultural values. For its part, actual educational paradigm focuses on the principle of complexity and interdisciplinarity, integration of different scientific methods. This is appropriate for the studying and teaching the art disciplines. Of course, art has always been considered in close connection with the cultural and historical context, because art cannot exist outside it. Today, however, the search for new perspectives in interdisciplinary research is relevant in the field of culture and the arts, as in humanities and social sciences in general. This is also due to the transformation of the concept of art in today’s world, which requires the search for new vectors of analysis, addition and expansion of traditional tools of art’sanalysis. The objectives of this study are to analyze the educational and work programs and textbooks of the History of Fine Arts (the History of Arts) of the last five years; to determine what scientific culturological methods are most commonly used in the development of today’s educational and methodicalliterature (textbooks, manuals, educational programs) of “The History of Fine Arts ("The History of Arts"); to identify what other methods should be appropriate to include in the toolkit of studying and teaching the art history; to present the interaction between the teacher and students as a "cultural dialogue"; to reveal the role of cultural approach in the spiritual and aesthetic education of future artists.The researchers’ interest in the cultural aspects of the pedagogical process in today’s Ukrainian studies is increasing. O. Malanchuk-Rybak, I. Pyatnitska-Pozdnyakova, O.Shevnyuk, N. Kovaleva, Yu. Solovyova and others consider the cultural aspects of studying art history and teaching art disciplines. The cultural approach to analyzing the evolution of the world's art systems is demonstrated by the textbooks of the last decade, including “The History of the Arts” by O. Shevnyuk (2015), “The History of Arts” by K. Tregubov (2015), “Ukrainian Art in the Historical Dimension” (Yu. Solovyova, O. Mkrtichyan, 2017), etc. As well asthe research has determined the culturological orientation of educational and work programs in last five years: “The History of Arts” (Trofimchuk-Kirilova T., 2017), “The History of Fine Arts”(O. Kirichen-ko, 2019), “The History of Fine Arts and Architecture” (Panasyuk V. 2015), “The History of Fine Arts” (Panyok TV, 2016), etc. The article deals with the cultural aspects of the study and teaching of the art on the basis of these educational and methodological publications. For this purpose the following methods are used in the article: descriptive method, method of system analysis, axiological approach and socio-cultural analysis.The analysis of these textbooks and work programs made it possible to formulate the subject, purpose and main objectives of the course “The History of Fine Arts”. The aim of the course is to form students' systematic knowledge of the development of fine arts from archaic times to the present.In this context the culturological orientation of teaching "The History of Fine Arts" makes it possible to solve the following educational problems: forming a complex of knowledge about the essence of art, its functions in culture and society; moral and aesthetic education and involvement in cultural values; revealing the general patterns of evolution of the world art systems; forming an artistic picture of the world through mastering the system of artistic knowledge; understanding of the historical and cultural conditionality of aesthetic canons in art; mastering the basic principles and forms of communicative experience of art as a means of transmitting socially meaningful cultural meanings; development of critical perception and interpretation of works of art, ability to navigate in artistic styles and movements; involvement of artistic and creative artifacts in the fulfillment of various socio-cultural tasks. Thus, future artists not only learn to solve immediate professional tasks, but also accumulate the ideological and artistic experience of the past, acquire the ability to interpret it and make certain predictions, in particular in thetoday’s art market. Domestic researchers believe that the synthesis of methods of art studies and cultural studies is relevant in teaching the course "The History of Fine Arts". It was found out that systematic analysis, diachronic and synchronic methods, socio-cultural approach, biographical method allow revealing the content of the course most completely. Semiotic analysis and gender approach can also open up the new perspectives of the studying and teaching of art history in today’s humanitarian discourse.

The Long View: Leadership at a Critical Juncture for “African Art” in America

Sometime in 1975, I walked into the office of Arnold Rubin (1937–1988), an associate professor in the department of art at the University of California, Los Angeles, inquiring about graduate study in Africanist art history. Students of African art, he assured me, would be at the forefront of mighty changes in the academic world. He promised that we would blow the dust off the hidebound field of art history. Rather shaken by his passionate rhetoric, I left thinking I might be too conventional for such an avant-garde enterprise. So after a much more pragmatic conversation with Herbert M. ("Skip") Cole about the shrinking number of teaching positions in art history, I headed to the University of California, Santa Barbara, for my graduate work. There I was plunged into a program of instruction and research that was full of its own unexpected adventures and rewards. While I have always been immensely grateful that Skip Cole agreed to be my advisor and guide, I have never forgotten Rubin's vision, his assertion that Africanist art historians would overturn entrenched paradigms and revolutionize the study of art.This issue of African Arts celebrates a generation of scholars—the elders of our discipline—whose contributions shaped the journal when it was launched as african arts/arts d'afrique some fifty years ago. Arnold Rubin was one of these, as he had been appointed editor of "graphic and plastic arts" when the second issue of the fledgling magazine appeared in 1968. As a member of his students' generation, the cohort charged with bringing the study of African art into the twenty-first century, I would like to revisit my initial encounter with this influential scholar and teacher through the lens of African Arts. Has his vision indeed become a reality? Have Africanists reshaped the narrative of art history over the last fifty years and brought novel, interdisciplinary, Africa-centered approaches to a staid Eurocentric discipline?Clearly, I encountered Arnold Rubin during a time when his own views had been shaped by the theoretical and methodological debates swirling around the art department at UCLA, and by his awareness of the new and rather tenuous position of Africanists within the discipline of art history. After all, in the United States the first dissertation on an African topic presented for a PhD in art history (rather than anthropology or Egyptology) had been written less than twenty years earlier, in 1957, by Roy Sieber (1923–2001). While art historians such as Douglas Fraser (1930–1982) may have taught courses on African art as "Primitive Art" during the 1950s, it was not until the 1960s that Africanist scholars such as Sieber and Frank Willett (1925–2006) could draw on their own fieldwork when they offered classes in American art history departments. Rubin presented his thoughts on the development of the field at a conference on "African Art Studies in the 1980s" held at UCLA in 1979 and reviewed for African Arts by Marla Berns:1Although his ideas were disseminated in the classroom as well as through his many creative research projects, it is Rubin's association with African Arts in the first decade of its publication that allows us to examine how his goals for Africanist art history intersected with other impulses during a unique period. Fifty years ago, personal and professional relationships linking Americans and Africans promised to forge new ways of seeing and describing the world, and the excitement of this promise permeated the journal. I should note here that my own memories of that time were recently refreshed by a visit to an African country I had not seen in almost half a century. My brother arranged for me to join childhood friends and family members for a visit to Malawi, where our fathers had worked from 1964–1969, and where our mothers had volunteered in local colleges and hospitals. The church we had attended, constructed by members of the Church of Scotland congregation before 1891 (Briggs 2013:206), was still a vibrant place of worship in Blantyre (Fig. 1), its physical structure intact. I had only vague memories of an even earlier precolonial monument, the Mandala House, which had been the headquarters of the African Lakes Corporation in 1882 (Fig. 2). The interior is now a bright, sunny space managed by La Caverna, an art gallery specializing in paintings by Malawi's most influential modernists, while the upper floor houses the library and meeting rooms of the Malawi Historical Society. This venerable building thus enshrines the art history as well as the history of twentieth and twenty-first century Malawi, both pivoting around the nation's independence in 1964.Flipping through the first few years of african arts/arts d'afrique, the bilingual precursor of African Arts, also brought me back to the heady days of the 1960s. Just as my father and his American colleagues set up a technical college as a "contribution from the people of the United States of America to the people of Malawi" when that nation became independent from Britain,2 the very first issue proclaimed, in boldface print, that "The African Studies Center of the University of California Los Angeles presents a gift [of the magazine] to Africa." Since the journal and the technical school were offered to Africans at the height of the Cold War, when the continent and its resources were seen as vulnerable to influences from the Soviet Union, postcolonial theorists might characterize both as instruments wielded by the US government to ensure the loyalty of African allies.3 It was true that my father had been hired through an American university with funding from the Agency for International Development, while the growth of the African Studies Center at UCLA was nurtured by government grants and fellowships. Faculty and graduate students at UCLA were provided with funds for research on the African continent, allowing the African Studies Center to act as a "think tank" that was continually renewed by contacts with Africa. Former Peace Corps volunteers, sent by the US government to promote democracy and economic progress in Africa, enrolled in graduate programs after returning home, joining the ranks of scholars who studied the arts of the African continent. Yet despite their origins in hegemonic political policies, educational programs and initiatives such as african arts/arts d'afrique fostered a discourse that exposed Americans to African ways of knowing, to epistemologies which would lead researchers such as Arnold Rubin to challenge the assumptions of his own academic traditions.In the second issue, the editors wrote that the purpose of the new journal would be "to record the art of the African past, to provide an outlet for the contemporary African artist, and to stimulate the creative arts in Africa" (Povey 1967:2). Judging from other short entries, the publication was a highly experimental enterprise. According to a later reflection written by John Povey (1929–1992), the specialist in African literature who was one of its original editors, "the entire original concept of African Arts derived from a purely serendipitous seat proximity on an airline which brought Paul [law professor Paul Proehl (1921–1997)] and [Sudanese artist] el Salahi together. They communed and agreed that what was really wanted was a magazine that would display the manifold arts of Africa—hence the plural title—to the world" (1991:6).4Arnold Rubin had joined the editorial board quite soon after his arrival at UCLA. He was almost immediately joined by Skip Cole and by Eugene Grigsby, a professor of African and African American art history at Arizona State University. Other editors worked with them to assemble material celebrating a broad spectrum of African creativity. The first issues featured short essays on architecture, dance, theater, the cinema, music, literary criticism, and oral literature, in addition to an overview of the archaeology of Ife by Frank Willett, a reflective piece by Léopold Sédar Senghor, and reviews of contemporary art. Some of the discussions in these first volumes, such as a long essay by Bohumil Holas, were deeply primitivist, and John Povey himself could give way to paternalist pronouncements: "Somewhere between the inhibiting forms of the tradition and the too facile fashionable fads of contemporary art in the West, rests the legitimate area in which the African artist can create" (1968a:1). Yet in these years Dennis Duerden stated, "I am looking for an African kinetic artist, or one who uses a computer" (1967:30). Too few contributors would join him in expecting African artists of the 1970s and 1980s to engage with developments happening elsewhere in the world of contemporary art, and apparently neither video artists not digital arts would appear in the pages of African Arts prior to the twenty-first century. John Povey himself was startlingly prescient when he humbly acknowledged that "We hope that the possibilities supplied by the presence of this forum will encourage Africans to write their own account of their arts. Such essays will undoubtedly reveal to us areas of perception which are inevitably denied even to the most sympathetic of outside critics" (1968b:1). Unfortunately, the "presence" of the journal would diminish in African libraries and art centers during the following decades (Nettleton 2017, Okwuoso 2017), and as Simbao has clearly demonstrated (2017), scholars based on the African continent would be hindered from publishing their research in the journal by a variety of constraints. It is now clear that the laudable sentiments of Povey needed to have been accompanied by sustained action.Soon after its inception, the editors announced an annual competition, with monetary prizes for winning submissions of art (two- and three-dimensional work) and literature (plays, poetry, short stories, excerpts from novels) that would be published or reproduced in the magazine. Each issue would include reports by African "correspondents" providing "perceptive analyses of the underlying situation that confronts the African artist" (Povey 1968b:1). As a showcase for African literature, african arts/arts d'afrique was bilingual, offering essays in French and English. At the time, this was a sophisticated, European approach that addressed a wide, intercontinental readership, even if the possible incorporation of other languages commonly used in Africa (such as Arabic, Portuguese, or Swahili) was not mentioned. In many ways the magazine resembled creative modernist publication projects such as Minotaure, produced in Paris in the 1930s, or Black Orpheus, published in Ibadan after the 1950s, or Transition, launched in Kampala in the 1960s. What is striking, however, was the offer by the editors of african arts/arts d'afrique to distribute their color illustrations of African contemporary art to schools so that teachers could mount them on bulletin boards (Povey 1968a:38). This was a didactic effort to reach out to the American public, a program to dispel misconceptions about African cultures. In today's global art world, where critics value the transgressive, provocative stance of marginalized artists, few curators would attempt to place reproductions of contemporary African art in K-12 classrooms of the United States.As Doran Ross noted in his review of the first twenty-five years of African Arts (Ross 1992:1), submissions of literary works and coverage of contemporary art faded away after the annual competitions came to an end in 1975. Just as Arnold Rubin brought his experience with performance, ephemeral art, and ritual in African contexts to his exploration of American cultural practices, African Arts covered a broad range of urban and rural artistic creativity in Africa and its Diaspora during the 1980s. It became a leading outlet for fresh, new accounts of artists' practice based on fieldwork conducted in communities throughout Western and Central Africa, and studies of arts from Eastern and Southern Africa were featured as well. Given the variety and sophistication of the new studies appearing in African Arts, its readers may not have noticed how few contributors were still visiting the studios of artists working in African galleries, cultural centers, and institutions of higher education. In a "First Word" written as African Arts approached its twenty-fifth anniversary, Povey complained that at the 1989 Triennial conference of ACASA, the Arts Council of the African Studies Association, "contemporary African art … was considered at best marginal, at worst a regrettable intrusion of a tiresome product outside the concerns of serious scholars" (1990:1). Other journals would eventually arise to cover arts identified as "contemporary," such as Revue Noire (in 1991) and Nka (in 1994), and in last decade of the twentieth century African Arts itself would once again turn its attention to artists who had studied in African universities or art institutes. I would argue, though, that by neglecting critical studies of these African artists during the 1980s, Africanists missed the opportunity to interact with art historians in other "non-Western" fields, who were extending their own research methods into the study of modern and contemporary "global" arts (Sullivan 1996, Farago and Pierce 2006, Hay 2008).Furthermore, because African Arts focused on community-based (rather than nationally based) art and architecture during the 1980s, it bypassed a pivotal period in the history of African modernisms. During my visit to Malawi, I was honored to meet Willie Nampeya, now professor emeritus in the art department at Chancellor College in Zomba, who had been a student of my mother, Barbara Blackmun (Fig. 3). After learning of the challenges faced by Prof. Nampeya and his younger colleagues, and realizing that they have worked for many years in relative isolation, I wish that I (and other faculty in American institutions) had been more aware of their need for international recognition and support (see Simbao 2017:6). Whatever the reasons, close contacts between art educators working in Africa and in the United States still tend to be the exception rather than the rule.The switch to a monolingual format in volume 4 (and the adoption of the name African Arts) may have contributed to the diminishing number of articles on modernist cinema, literature, and theater appearing in the journal. One immediate casualty was the coverage of francophone northern Africa. During the first few years, contributors had written about artists based in Tunis and Cairo, providing material that is useful now for researchers reviewing the history of African modernism. The original inclusion of arts from the entire continent had reflected political movements of the 1960s and 1970s, when newly independent African states sponsored arts festivals in Dakar, Algiers, and Lagos that were expressions of African solidarity. Of course biennials and other exhibition events today return to this model by soliciting artworks from across the continent, weaving economic and political networks as part of national cultural policies. And of course many art fairs are sponsored by francophone African nations and produce bilingual texts.The early articles on textiles, ceramics, and other artisanal traditions in the Maghreb were also responses to the work of historians and archaeologists, who were then mapping trade routes and the movements of people and ideas across the Sahara. But in the 1960s, art historians had often been introduced to African art by European modernists, who believed that only sub-Saharan Africa could produce art nègre, authentically "primitive" art. Even after abandoning the tenets of Primitivism, many art historians remained in thrall to the masterpieces of West Africa and Central Africa that had inspired early twentieth century French painters. It is not surprising that the pages of African Arts would be dominated by these regions, even though Africanists such as Rubin and Cole had moved far beyond formal analyses of sculpture to broader understandings of the totality of creative production on the continent in its very first issues.Perhaps the shift away from Egypt and the Maghreb was also a result of the critiques of the field of African Studies in the 1970s, when African Americans affirmed their own ancestral links to ancient cultures. Following the lead of Robert Farris Thompson, many Africanists extended their art historical analyses to the Americas, narrating art histories as creative expressions of the Black Atlantic world. As African Studies in several institutions was subsumed under "Black Studies" or appended to departments of African American and Africana Studies, the art historical relationships between West Africans classified as "black" and North Africans seen as "non-black" by outside observers became more difficult to place within an American academic framework. When Sidney Kasfir reviewed Jan Vansina's Art and History in Africa for African Arts, she underscored his inclusion of arts from the northern half of the continent, asserting that this was perhaps "the most alien part of the author's perspective for African art specialists" (Kasfir 1986:12).For the first decade or so, the journal had close relationship with commercial enterprises. In addition to receiving funding from the Kress Foundation to print images in color, african arts/arts d'afrique received advertising revenue from airlines, a mining company, and the Franklin Gallery in Los Angeles. Private collections as well as exhibitions at public institutions such as the Los Angeles County Museum were reviewed. This context helps explain why Rubin wrote his influential essay "Accumulative Sculpture: Power and Display" (Rubin 1974) for the Pace Gallery in New York City before publishing it in the contemporary art journal Art Forum (Rubin 1975). It would be several years before a messy divorce would separate private galleries selling "primitive arts" (or "tribal arts") and the academic world. This divorce was finalized as postcolonial theory pushed art historians (and the editors of African Arts) towards new discussions of professional ethics, fieldwork methods, and collection practices.Arnold Rubin may have been instrumental in moving african arts/arts d'afrique in a direction that was quite different from that originally envisioned by Povey and Poehl. His own, detailed study of Kutep mud sculpture in the first volume contained the publication's first endnotes (Rubin 1968). For its second volume, the magazine featured an extended study of Chokwe arts by Marie-Louise Bastin that spanned three issues and whose overview from the of most early Skip essays on appeared that as a new for critical of fieldwork Rubin's and a in on in the of the literature on and Robert Farris wrote his of African Arts was as a forum for research in the arts by art and other submissions were to as they would be at other journals (Ross Povey when from his editorial that despite its African Arts had became an academic publication in with the of a It could thus could more of a to the discipline of art how has this years ago, Doran Ross wrote a "First Word" in which he complained that "the arts of Africa to be in the world, the art the or the classroom … Even the most courses on African arts a at colleges and the Africanist who to have had the in the field of art history as a wrote in the vision of an to position and the of to the rather than the product of artistic to have been Yet by the of African art history more "African art … has collections and What might we in 2017, a decade are many ways to the of Africanist art historians within the American academic world, from positions of Africanists in art history programs or the number of courses we to the number of on African art published by university or the number of articles and reviews we have in the most The number of Africanists who art exhibitions as or curators might also be in addition to the many gallery art independent and whose academic to their in African art. Yet as faculty members at American college or university such might not us what we really wish to our in the art historical they not us much about or even we have had an the field as a I a the art history When Doran Ross and wrote their African artworks to art as of "primitive" Some African again in the on twentieth century European where they were by the of the where they had been of both of the leading for art history Art the by and Art include on African art that are with on or the The that will provide at to African in an in art history. of artworks from the African also in the of American school students need to for an Art History these on the work of Africanists to working in the on African art history, written almost in the by Skip Cole for Art the and and Roy for Art History have been for later in to provide student readers with a historical Povey might have of these which African art was of when the arts of other As several scholars have serious studies of historical developments in African art forms are few and far and the review was launched in part out of the with the of attention to historical context in African Arts and In many has not been on African artistic of the immediate or to such as (see But that may as art historians and other scholars new research and produce more For in Barbara Blackmun had very to draw when a in to for the family on the following (Fig. The was a But when agreed to for at a in (Fig. we could a literature on that the in historical perspective if the history of African art is in and classrooms so that Africa can become in of its inclusion offer students the opportunity to African artistic practices, and that provide them with new ways of looking and is "African its place in the that african arts/arts d'afrique as "graphic and plastic arts" in a collection of identified by artist, and in the today's African artists can be in such as Art which them into the discourse of global modern and contemporary art and on the of are we Arnold Rubin's of as art within a cultural And if we write articles in Art that showcase African studies of art historical are we to Arnold Rubin's vision of Africanist art history as recently wrote that he Rubin would be to that contributors to African Arts still hope to the discipline of art history, even if we are of how this can be

Reevaluating Greatness in the Time of War

Notes on Contributors

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1. The Febuary 2011 annual meeting of the College Art Association (CAA) in New York had an entire session organized by Patricia Mainardi dedicated to “The Crisis in Art History.” The papers were later published in a special issue of Visual Resources (27, no. 4, 2011). Yet the present crisis in the discipline can be considered just the latest of many that it has faced at least since the 1970s, when a whole new range of theoretical references, such as postcolonial theories, psychoanalysis, gender studies, and semiotics, pressured art historians to reflect about their specific approaches to art. Hans Belting's Das Ende der Kunstgeschichte? came out in 1983, centering its fire on the power structures of the field in Germany, and in 1982 the Art Journal also produced an issue on “The Crisis in the Discipline,” edited by Henri Zerner, with articles by such leading art historians as Rosalind Krauss, David Summers, and Donald Preziosi, among others. At that time, the main topic of discussion was the incorporation of new objects of study in the art historical field, such as advertisement, photography, and other aspects of visual culture, bringing art history closer to so-called visual studies. Concerns about developing a global art history, something that still resonates today, appeared at the turn of the century with important publications such as Hans Belting's Bild-Anthropologie (2001) and David Summers's Real Spaces (2003). Both books demonstrate a special interest in anthropology, which persists today with the incorporation of anthropological theories such as those of Alfred Gell and Bruno Latour, for example, into the field. Belting, Das Ende der Kunstgeschichte? (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1983), trans. as The End of the History of Art? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Zerner, ed., “The Crisis in the Discipline,” special issue, Art Journal 42, no. 4 (Winter 1982); Belting, Bild-Anthropologie (Munich: W. Fink, 2001); and Summers, Real Spaces: World Art History and the Rise of Western Modernism (London: Phaidon Press, 2003).2. This was the 33rd Congress of the Comité International d’Histoire de l’Art, Germanische Nationalmuseum Nuremberg, July 15–20, 2012. Its theme, “The Challenge of the Object,” appears somewhat conservative when considered from the perspective of contemporary art. Since at least the 1960s Conceptual art has done away with the idea of a necessary connection between art and the material world, which had important political consequences as well.3. The same logic that we see here organizes much of the “globalized” art world. In a review of the exhibition Africa Remix: L’art contemporain d’un continent, presented at the Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, in 2005, Roberto Conduru notes that African artists still need to pass through the established institutions of art in the United States or in Europe to enter the circuits of the international market and art world. “With one sole exception—Wim Botha … all of the remaining 87 artists already represented their country and/or the Continent in the Biennials that proliferate throughout the world, and also presented their work in prestigious institutions within the system of international art.” Conduru, “O mundo é uma tribo,” Concinnitas (UERJ, Rio de Janeiro), no. 8 (July 2005): 198–202.4. Although this in fact is a very significant way to approach Brazilian visual culture, it should not be exclusive. Important work has been done in the last few years on the process of the transfer and circulation of material culture within the Portuguese Empire and in Brazil. See Jens M. Baumgarten, “Transformation asiatischer Artefakte in brasilianischen Kontexten,” in Topologien des Reisens, ed. Alexandra Karentzos, Alma-Elisa Kittner, and Julia Reuter (Trier: Universität Trier, 2009), vol. 1, 178–94.5. A good example can be found in Rodrigo Naves's interpretation of Jean-Baptiste Debret's Brazilian period: “Definitely, the existence of slavery hindered once and for all any effort to transplant the classical form as truth into Brazil.” Naves, A forma difícil: Ensaios sobre arte brasileira (São Paulo: Ática,1996), 71.6. Moema is the tragic character of Frei Santa Rita Durão's epic poem Caramuru. She was the sister of Caramuru's wife, Paraguaçu, and drowned while swimming after the ship that carried Caramuru back to Europe.7. Regarding the position that Baroque occupies in Brazilian art history, it is interesting that in the first Pan-American Congress of Architects, organized in Uruguay in 1920, Alexandre de Albuquerque proposed the Baroque manner of Minas Gerais as the source for a Brazilian national style, since, according to him, Brazil did not possess a strong indigenous culture, as did other countries in South America.8. Sergio Miceli, Nacional estrangeiro (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2003).9. The study of art history is relatively recent in Brazil, and by examining other contributions to the history of culture in the country, one can find elements that could help to impel art history in new directions. The writer Mario de Andrade, one of the main protagonists of Brazilian modernism, for instance, developed a genuine interest in African and Native culture and in 1936 wrote a project for the creation of an Institute for National Patrimony in which he included material and immaterial culture of the different populations in Brazil. In the same period, the sociologist Gilberto Freyre, who had studied with Franz Boas, wrote his classic book Casa-grande e senzala, in which he examines the diversity of contributions to Brazilian culture. In the 1940s and 1950s, Lina Bo Bardi organized exhibitions in Bahia and at the São Paulo Art Museum (MASP) based on her research on popular art in Brazil. See, among others, Antonio Gilberto Nogueira, Por um inventário dos sentidos: Mário de Andrade e a concepçã de patrimônio e inventário (São Paulo: Hucitec/Fapesp., 2005); Marina Grinover and Silvana Rubino, eds., Lina por escrito: Textos escolhidos de Lina Bo Bardi (São Paulo: Cosac e Naify, 2009); and Gilberto Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala (São Paulo: Global, 2003).10. “From this we conclude that … art, in its simple forms, is not necessarily expressive of purposive action, but rather based upon our reactions to forms that develop through mastery of technique.” Franz Boas, Primitive Art (New York: Dover, 1955), 62. I also think that Boas's question about what could be considered an aesthetic object in these cultures is a very important one because it definitely secures these objects as of interest for the field of art history, at the same time that it forces us to listen to the point of view of their creators.11. On Assuriní visual culture, see Regina Polo Müller, Os Assuriní do Xingu: História e arte (Campinas: Unicamp, 1993). When dealing with contemporary indigenous culture we must also acknowledge the impact of the market on how aesthetic value is assigned. This, of course, implies recognizing that indigenous culture is in fact alive and interacting with other sectors of society today, resisting the tendency of both anthropologists and art historians to imagine these cultures as if “frozen in the past.”12. Tapirage is the name given to a technique used by some indigenous groups to alter the feather colors of live birds. See Amy Buono, “Crafts of Color: Tupi Tapirage in Early Colonial Brazil,” in The Materiality of Color: The Production, Circulation, and Application of Dyes and Pigments 1400–1800, ed. Andrea Feeser, Maureen Daly Goggin, and Beth Fowkes (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate Press, 2012), 8–40.13. Amy Buono, “Indigeneity as Corporeality: The ‘Tupinambization’ of the Early Modern Atlantic,” in Art and Its Histories in Brazil, by Claudia Mattos and Roberto Conduru, Issues and Debates (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, forthcoming).14. On this issue, see Joanne Rappaport and Tom Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City: Indigenous Literacies in the Americas (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2012), 1–26.15. As I have argued above, there cannot be one unitary Brazilian art; given the constant dynamic exchange between local and transferred material and immaterial culture, we must substitute this concept for a more dynamic view of the arts in Brazil.16. Terreiro is the name for buildings and spaces that contain Afro-Brazilian religious activities. Quilombos are historic settlements of fugitive and freed slaves that were created in remote places within the interior of Brazil.17. We must learn to see the circulation of people, ideas, and objects between different localities in Africa and Brazil as a two-way process. As Roberto Conduru notes, although slavery implied the forced migration of a much larger population from Africa to the Americas, there was also some significant immigration in the other direction. This is well documented, for example, in the development of agudá architecture in the region of the Gulf of Guinea (Togo, Benin, and Nigeria). Conduru, “Sobrevivência e invenção—conexões artísticas entre Brasil e África,” in Mattos and Conduru, Art and Its Histories in Brazil.18. The direct relation between art and art history has been pointed out numerous times. Wolfgang Kemp (“Benjamin and Aby Warburg,” Kritische Berichte, no. 3 [1975]: 5–6) has argued that Dadaist collage played an important role in the development of Aby Warburg's Mnemosyne Atlas, for instance. See Kurt W. Forster, “Die Hamburg-Amerika-Linie, oder: Warburgs Kunstwissenschaft zwischen den Kontinenten,” in Aby Warburg: Akten des internationalen Symposions, Hamburg, ed. Horst Bredekamp, Michael Diers, and Charlotte Schoell-Glass (Weinheim: Wiley-VCH Verlag), 11–37. Performance art has helped us understand the theatricality of Baroque art, and it also can be very productive in interpreting much of what we call Native art, for instance.19. Thierry Dufrêne, “Pour en finir avec le corset de la chronologie: Vers une histoire de l’art élargie qui rapproche les temps et les oeuvres,” in Théâtre du Monde, exh. cat. (Paris: FAGE, 2013), 30–37. The exhibition at La Maison Rouge, which showed the collection of eccentric Tasmanian collector David Walsh, was curated by Jean-Hubert Martin, who also used Surrealist-inspired anachronistic models to display the objects.20. Belting, Bild-Anthropologie; and Summers, Real Spaces. For a critique of David Summers's book in relation to the question of a new world art history, see James Elkins, “On David Summers's Real Spaces,” in Is Art History Global? (New York: Routledge, 2007), 41–72.Additional informationNotes on contributorsClaudia MattosClaudia Mattos, professor of art history at the University of Campinas, earned a PhD from the Freie Universität, Berlin, in 1996. She publishes on nineteenth- and twentieth-century art and is preparing one book on art and ecology in Brazil and editing another on Brazilian art history for Getty Publications [Instituto de Artes, Departamento de Artes Plásticas, Rua Elis Regina 50, Cidade Universitária Zeferino Vaz, 13083-854, Campinas, SP, Brazil, cvmattos@iar.unicamp.br].

The article considers the meaningful and conceptual boundaries of self-portrait in the modern Russian art history. A study of self-portrait is being carried out both on the example of intellectual positions of thinkers of the last century and of the scientific works of contemporaries. The text of the article reveals the ideological perspective of the semantic meanings of the self-portrait according to the ideological and constructive views of the present era. The object of research is the portrait genre in the fine art. The subject of research is the theoretical definition of self-portrait in the Russian art history. The purpose of this work is to establish the ideological and substantive values of a self-portrait in the modern art science. According to the set goal, the following tasks are solved: - to provide scientific and theoretical views on the artistic image of a self-portrait of modern researchers of the 21st century; - define terminological lexical units in these judgments, which can subsequently take the role of conceptual values. The novelty of the study is determined by the disclosure of the conceptual and theoretical aspects of the artistic form of a self-portrait, which has strong interpretative significance in the field of contemporary art. The author formulates the following conclusion: the ideological and theoretical expression of a self-portrait in the space of modern art history is revealed through interdisciplinary methods of scientific research, which assert their own terminological units in the meaningful disclosure of the artistic image of the portrait genre. Each of the terms established in the article is related to the conceptual representation of the socio-psychological sphere.

Reviewed by: Circulations in the Global History of Art ed. by Thomas Dacosta Kaufmann, Catherine Dossin, Béatrice Joyeux-Prunel Anne Ring Petersen Circulations in the Global History of Art. Edited by thomas dacosta kaufmann, catherine dossin, and béatrice joyeux-prunel. New York: Routledge, 2016. 247pp. $109.95 (cloth), $90.02 (ebook). Historical interest in cultural circulation and exchange has increased in the 2000s. In recent years, this interest in the “globalization” of cultures has also spread to the specialized field of art history, which has seen a proliferation of writings on “world art history,” “global art history,” and the worldwide spread of the discipline of art history itself. In this emerging field of comparative historical studies in the visual arts, the volume Circulations in the Global History of Art stands out with its determined rejection of the nation as the privileged unit of analysis and its cogent emphasis on processes and connections among cultures. As the title suggests, the book’s leading concept is “circulation.” The introduction by editors Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Catherine Dossin, and Béatrice Joyeux-Prunel, all leading scholars of global art history, provides a substantial account of the historical background of the recent explorations of circulation in global art history. The book brings together the work of historians and art historians from the United States, France, Germany, and Poland, thus presenting a broad range of Western approaches. It includes specialized case studies of different periods, regions, and objects, and covers a variety of methodological and historiographical issues related to circulation and globalization. In his illuminating discussion of the historiography pertaining to global and world art history, Kaufmann traces how much of the early methodology for the study of intercultural artistic circulation was rooted in the discipline of history, specifically German Historicism of the nineteenth century and the work of the French Annales School in the twentieth century. The book also links the two disciplines by including chapters by three historians who have contributed significantly to the development of new approaches to history in the context of a postcolonial, globalized world, such as Entangled or Global History and Transnational History: Michel Espagne, Serge Gruzinski, and Christophe Charle. The subsequent chapters demonstrate how circulatory approaches may help us revise the usual frames and tropes of (art) historical narratives. Even if the authors take most of their empirical examples from the histories of the fine and applied arts, their revisionist approaches may also inspire historians working with (visual) historical documents and intercultural comparative perspectives in other fields, because the contributors all insist on the inseparable bond between theory and [End Page 172] methodological self-reflection, on the one hand, and the practice of historical analysis, on the other. The strong emphasis on history in this book is a much-needed anti-dote to the pervasive presentism in global art studies, which holds that we live in the first truly global age—a presentism that is partly explained by the fact that much current debate relates to contemporary art. Kaufmann rightly insists on globalizing moments before circa 1800 and on the fact that art has always depended on trade, markets, and conquest for dissemination of objects over distances and for cultural transfer, appropriation, and assimilation in other geopolitical contexts. As Espagne observes in his impressive historical overview, there are many important examples of this, such as the Silk Road, the Portuguese spice route, and Constantinople as a commercial “contact zone” between Turkey and Europe, Christian and Muslim cultures. One of the principal causes of globalization before circa 1800 is of course colonization. In his illuminating chapter on the worldwide diffusion of art and culture from Spain, Portugal, and, to a lesser extent, Italy between the late Middle Ages and the beginning of modernity, Gruzinski convincingly argues that the idea of “Western” art was born in translation, so to speak. The notions of “Western” art, philosopy, and culture were products of colonial encounters with other cultures, suggests Gruzinski: “A ‘Western’ art began to beat out a path for itself, starting from the workshops opened in Mexico, Lima, Quito, Gao, and Nagasaki” (p. 51). In other words, “Western” art emerged with the distribution and adaptation of European cultural products and...

Art History, Boundary Crossing, Making Worlds

This article offers a critical perspective on the pedagogical direction of what I call “global art histories” in Canada by addressing the apparent impasse posed by the notion of what is euphemistically called “ethnocultural art” in this country. It examines different interpretations of the latter chiefly through a survey of course titles from art history programs in Canada and a course on the subject that I teach at Concordia University in Montreal. Generally speaking, the term “ethnocultural art” refers to what is more commonly understood as “ethnic minority arts” in the ostensibly more derisive discourses on Canadian multiculturalism and cultural diversity. The addition of the term “culture” emphasizes the voluntary self-definition involved in ethnic identification and makes the distinction with “racial minorities.” “Ethnocultural communities,” along with the moniker “cultural communities” (or “culturally diverse” communities), however, is still often understood to refer to immigrants (whether recent or long-standing), members of racialized minorities, and even First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples. Not surprisingly, courses on ethnocultural art histories tend to concentrate on the cultural production of visible minorities or ethnocultural groups. However, I also see teaching the subject as an opportunity to shift the classification of art according to particular geographic areas to consider a myriad of issues in myriad of issues in the visual field predicated on local senses of belonging shaped by migration histories and “first” contacts. As such, ethnocultural art histories call attention to, but not exclusively, the art of various diasporic becomings inexorably bound to histories of settler colonialism and Indigenous sovereignty. This leads me to reflect on some aspects of Quebec’s internal dynamics concerning nationalism and ethnocultural diversity that have affected the course of ethnocultural art histories in the province. I argue that the Eurocentric hegemonic hold of ethno-nationalist discourses on art and art history can be seen with particular clarity in this context. Moreover, I suggest that these discourses have hindered not only the awareness and study of art by so-called culturally diverse communities but also efforts to offer a more global, transnational, and heterogeneous (or chiastic) sense of the histories from which this art emerges. In today’s political climate, the project that is art history, now more than ever, needs to address and engage with the reverse parallelism that chiastic perspectives on the historiography of contemporary art entail. My critique is forcefully speculative and meant to bring together different critical vocabularies in the consideration of implications of the global and ethnic turns in art and art history for the understanding of the other. I engage in an aspect less covered in the literature on the global turn in contemporary art, namely the ways in which the mutual and dialectical relation between “cultural identity,” better described as a “localized sense of belonging” (Appadurai) and the contingency of place may shape, resist, or undermine the introduction of world or global art historical approaches in specific national institutional sites. I argue a more attentive politics of engagement is required within this pedagogical rapprochement to address how histories not only of so-called non-Western art but also diasporic and Indigenous art are transferred holistically as knowledge, if the objective is to shift understandings of the other by emphasizing points of practice in art history as a field, rather than simply the cultural productions themselves. I propose the term “global art histories” as a provisional rubric that slants the study of globalism in art history to more explicitly include these kinds of located intercultural negotiations.

Contributors

In this article, we analyze the influence of the colonial policy of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union on Ukrainian art-historical writing. As we shall reveal, the mechanisms of knowledge production created during that period continued to operate after the Declaration of Independence of Ukraine in 1991. The limitations that were imposed on the art-historical community, which can be regarded as colonial, shaped the crucial narratives (of the “triune nation”) and dictated the thematic scope of Ukrainian scholarship. The new notion of “mysteztvoznavstvo,” introduced in 1937 instead of the previously established Theory and History of Art, eventually led to a profound rift between Soviet Russian and Ukrainian scholarship and the Western world more generally. “Mysteztvoznavstvo” was supposed to be an umbrella term for art history, theory, and art criticism but ended up doing a disservice to each domain. Art theory in Ukraine was virtually nonexistent, whereas art history was mixed with art criticism, resulting in writing that did not meet widely accepted academic standards. This led to the isolation of Ukrainian scholars, who were confined to the Russian-speaking community and had very limited access to foreign scholarship. We also analyze the decolonization processes in the history of Ukrainian art prompted by the invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine after 2013, such as The Revolution of Dignity and “decommunization.” We argue that horizontal art history and decolonial approaches cannot adequately be applied if colonial tools are still used by the discipline. Epistemic decolonization can only be achieved after challenging the standards of “mysteztvoznavstvo” and, thus, by dividing art studies into three separate domains: art history, art theory, and art criticism, as each discipline has its own goals and methods.