Abstract
D Despite some twenty-three Japanese Cabinet changes since 1945, all observers agree that the growth of stable, democratic institutions has been one of the most remarkable characteristics of postwar Japan. Various explanations can be found: to suggest some major ones, phenomenal economic development; continuous reliance upon the U.S. for defense; the strong commitments of the Japanese people to an open society; and a new constitutional and political structure. Among these factors, however, the last may have been the most important. This study represents an effort to examine the extent to which the postwar parliamentary cabinet contributed to the growth of democratic institutions as well as to determine the real source of executive authority. In theory, the Japanese cabinet is now vested with full executive power. Unlike the Meij i Constitution, the 1947 Constitution explicitly designates the cabinet as the sole source of executive power. In actual practice, however, the exercise of this power has been placed not so much with the cabinet in a collective sense as with its head, the prime minister. He is chiefly responsible for discharging the executive power and he is constitutionally empowered to do so as the head of the executive branch of the government. First, he is the head of the cabinet and presides over cabinet meetings (Article 66). He also has the power to control and supervise various administrative bodies of the government (Cabinet Law-6), and to head off jurisdictional disputes among the cabinet members and other administrative bodies (Cabinet Law-7), Moreover, he may suspend any official act or order of an administrative body pending action by his cabinet (Cabinet Law-43). He also countersigns all laws and cabinet orders with his cabinet members (Article 74). Most importantly, he appoints his cabinet members and removes them whenever lie chooses (Article 68). The Constitution grants the prime minister seven enumerated powers in connection with his duties:
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