Perishing Heritage:

Patrimony for Peace:

ABSTRACTFollowing Turkey’s intervention in and invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974, the island was split into two. In the north, a Turkish Cypriot political entity was established that was only recognized by Turkey. Turkey played a crucial role in the settlement process of between 30 and 45 thousand settlers from Turkey in Northern Cyprus during the first wave of settlement, from 1974 to 1980. The settlers were largely needed to create and consolidate a viable Turkish Cypriot state. In order to successfully carry out this settlement process, which was characterized by a rapid installation of a large group of settlers, Turkish and Turkish Cypriot authorities had to prepare land and housing for the arriving settlers. This was made possible by the large void left behind by the Greek Cypriots that fled and were transferred to South-Cyprus following the 1974 War. The settlement process was thus carried out through an organized, state-controlled demographic engineering, in which housing, land and resources were promised and given to arriving settlers. A lack of settler agency was a distinguishable characteristic of the settlers from Turkey, and ideological conviction played little, or no, role. Due to the historic conflict between Turkish and Greek Cypriots, the first settlers from Turkey were largely viewed as saviours crucial to the political and economic independence of the Turkish Cypriots from the Greek Cypriots. Good settler-native relations were thus largely a characteristic of this first wave of settlement.

Reconciling the Conservation of Cultural Heritage with Rural Development

The Missing of Cyprus— A Distinctive Case Adamantia Pollis In recent years the disappeared have become of major international concern as a human rights issue. Most instances of the disappeared, such as those in Argentina, Paraguay, and Chile, which invariably involve the civilian population, have resulted from repressive tactics which are designed by governments to terrorize their population into submission to military or authoritarian rule. They are extreme forms of state terrorism perpetrated by a government on its own people. There are exceptions, however, in which the disappeared, or more accurately the missing, are a result of mUitary action on the part of a foreign state. Among current instances on the international agenda are Vietnam and Cyprus. In both cases the missing are a result of armed conflict. In the case of Vietnam, at least until recently, the government has refused to provide any accounting of missing United States servicemen or to permit any investigation of them. In the case of Cyprus, the Turkish Cypriots initially rejected any investigation into the Greek Cypriot missing because of the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, while throughout the ensuing 16 years procedural haggling and stalling has blocked any meaningful progress on the issue. In terms of magnitude the two cases are extremely different. There are 1,618 missing Greek Cypriots from 1974 and between 600 and 900 more alleged by the Turkish Cypriots, some from 1963-64 and some from 1974. As of the end of the Vietnam war in 1973, there were 2,583 missing in all of southeast Asia. In addition to the obvious disproportion between the total populations of the two countries, in the case of the United States, the missing resulted from an undeclared war that lasted more than eight years, while in the case of Cyprus the missing resulted primarily from an armed conflict that lasted only a few days. Moreover, while all the Americans missing in southeast Asia were military combatants, the Greek Cypriot missing consist of 992 soldiers and 626 civilians of whom 112 are women. Twenty-six were Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Volume 9, 1991. 43 44 Adamantia Pollis under the age of 16 at the time they disappeared (Pancyprian Committee 1987). Perhaps more comparable to the situation in Cyprus is that of East Timor where, as a result of periodic Indonesian military action beginning toward the end of 1975, there are hundreds of disappeared civilians (Amnesty International 1985). While the existence of disappeared persons is considered a gross violation of the basic right to life, and while an accounting of the disappeared is recognized as a right of their families, the issue of the Cypriot missing has been perceived and acted on as a political matter inextricably intertwined with the broader issue of resolving the Cyprus problem. The Cypriot government, the Turkish Cypriot leadership and to a lesser extent the Greek Cypriot leadership, the Greek and Turkish governments, the United States, the United Nations, and the Council of Europe basically view a solution to the missing of Cyprus as contingent upon a political settlement of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot conflict rather than as a human rights issue per se. This is not to say that there has been no international concern for the Cypriot missing as a humanitarian issue. The United Nations, the Council of Europe, and the European Communities have all addressed the matter , but any actions taken have been tepid at best. It seems axiomatic to state that all the disappeared, whether as a result of actions by a repressive state, as in Argentina, or of a war, as in Vietnam, are political by nature. But by contrast to Cyprus, the issue of the missing in southeast Asia has been depoliticized and is being dealt with as a human rights issue. Negotiations between the United States and Vietnam for an accounting of the missing Americans have resulted in 279 of them (242 from Vietnam and the remainder from other areas of southeast Asia) being traced as of March 1990 and the return of many remains.1 The stalemate on the issue of the missing in Cyprus, i.e. the persistence of considering it in political rather than in...

When the Cemetery Becomes Political: Dealing with the Religious Heritage in Multi-Ethnic Regions

Can Cyprus overcome its health-care challenges?

Using the most recent wave of European Values Survey (EVS) data, this study explores the correlates of generalized trust by comparing Turkish and Greek communities living on the island of Cyprus. The results suggest that, besides confidence in institutions, there are different determinants of trust for each Cypriot community. In comparing Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the results suggest that being married, being older, having an urban residence, being in better health, and participating more in voluntary organizations are correlated with higher levels of generalized trust among Turkish Cypriots, whereas Greek Cypriots who are natives and who have more life satisfaction have higher levels of generalized trust. This study makes a significant contribution by being the first empirical study to test generalized trust among both communities living in the island of Cyprus.

In 1974, Turkey divided Cyprus by military force into the north and south, giving the Turkish Cypriots full control of the north. Since then, the United Nations (UN) has attempted to resolve the Cyprus problem, but diplomatic efforts have always fallen short. In 2004, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan proposed a plan that would reunify Cyprus. In a public referendum that followed, about two-thirds of Turkish Cypriots voted for the plan; however, three-quarters of Greek Cypriots rejected the plan. To help illuminate Greek-Cypriot public opinion, a telephone survey is conducted with 150 randomly selected Greek-Cypriot citizens (with a response rate of 87%). Results demonstrate that about four-fifths of respondents do not mistrust Turkish Cypriots and believe they can peacefully coexist with them. Still, 43% of respondents report that Greek Cypriots as a group are not very well prepared to reunify with Turkish Cypriots. Perception of ethnocentrism for both sides is found to be at comparable, mediocre levels. Narrative analyses suggest that the Annan Plan be revised to assure, among other things, (1) complete and timely demilitarization of the island, (2) removal of all Turkish settlers, (3) containment of extremist elements from both sides, and (4) fiscal backing from the international community to the Turkish-Cypriot side. The social and political implications of the findings, study limitations, and some future research needs are highlighted.

Currently stigma is considered to be the most important factor in the field of mental illness. More than 40 types of negative impact of stigma on ones’ life has been identified for the previous researchers. Although the impact of it is very negative there has not been any study conducted in the Northern side of Cyprus where Turkish Cypriots live. There has also very limited studies carried out in the Southern side where Greek Cypriots live. The aim of this study was, therefore, to investigate the attitudes of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot populations living in Cyprus towards schizophrenia and look into the possible explanations behind these differences. An independent groups design was used in this study. One hundred participants were recruited from Greek and Turkish Cypriot populations. Participation to this study was voluntary and participants were represented with four different questionnaires assessing knowledge regarding mental health, attitudes towards mentally ill, level of familiarity and culture. The results showed that there was a significant difference between the Turkish and Greek Cypriot attitudes towards schizophrenia; Turkish Cypriots held more negative attitudes. Turkish Cypriots were also significantly more vertical collectivist, which was associated with the higher levels of stigma. Furthermore, Greek Cypriots were significantly more familiar with mental health problems and were found to have higher levels of knowledge about schizophrenia.

The aim of the current article is to discuss the importance of using mixed methods in social sciences research, by referring to Neophytou [1] methodology and results. Neophytou [1], using qualitative and quantitative research methods in the same research, arguably provided a general picture of the attitudes of Greek and Turkish Cypriot university students towards each other. The results of the quantitative research informed the development of the qualitative research. Some of the results confirmed those of previous research, whereas others where new and noteworthy. For example, the quantitative research revealed that attitudes towards the 'Other' and proximity with the 'Other' are positively correlated, something that was seen in previous research. Additionally, in both cases, Greek and Turkish Cypriot participants were more positive towards their in-groups over their out-groups, but surprisingly, Turkish Cypriots appeared less negative towards their out-group compared with Greek Cypriots. Students' concern about language and religion were obvious, though this was expressed mainly by Greek Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots appeared more eager to meet other cultures (East and West); they had heard, read and lived other cultures more than Greek Cypriot participants. The above and other findings raised new questions that were further analysed with the use of qualitative methods. The proper use of mixed methods gave a holistic view of Greek and Turkish Cypriots conceptions and misconceptions towards the 'Other Cypriot'.

No Longer Lost in the Wilderness:

Understanding human development at the international, regional, and national level is essential to the understanding of the needs and wants of vast populations around the world. Since the late 1980's the United Nation's Development Program (UNDP) has published hundreds of reports on development at a variety of geographic extents. This project aims to apply the United Nation's Human Development Index (HDI) to the United States in order to create a sub-national HDI for the measurement of US counties. Due to the inherent spatial methodology in the development of the HDI, this project further introduces the use of geographic information systems tools in hopes of better capturing the results of the development index and employs spatial statistics as a way of identifying clusters of high and low development. The results report high regional, state, and county variation in all of the measures and outcomes associated with the sub-national HDI.

For nearly 60 years--from its uprising against British rule in the 1950s, to the bloody civil war between Greek and Turkish Cypriots in the 1960s, the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in the 1970s, and the United Nation's ongoing 30-year effort to reunite the island--the tiny Mediterranean nation of Cyprus has taken a disproportionate share of the international spotlight. And while it has been often in the news, accurate and impartial information on the conflict has been nearly impossible to obtain. In The Cyprus Problem, James Ker-Lindsay offers an incisive, even-handed account of the conflict. Ker-Lindsay covers all aspects of the Cyprus problem, placing it in historical context, addressing the situation as it now stands, and looking toward its possible resolution. The book begins with the origins of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities as well as the other indigenous communities on the island (Maronites, Latin, Armenians, and Gypsies). Ker-Lindsay then examines the tensions that emerged between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots after independence in 1960 and the complex constitutional provisions and international treaties designed to safeguard the new state. He pays special attention to the Turkish invasion in 1974 and the subsequent efforts by the UN and the international community to reunite Cyprus. The book's final two chapters address a host of pressing issues that divide the two Cypriot communities, including key concerns over property, refugee returns, and the repatriation of settlers. Ker-Lindsay concludes by considering whether partition really is the best solution, as many observers increasingly suggest. Written by a leading expert, The Cyprus Problem brings much needed clarity and understanding to a conflict that has confounded observers and participants alike for decades.

Reviewed by: Bodies of Evidence: Burial, Memory and the Recovery of Missing Persons in Cyprus Spyros Spyrou Paul Sant Cassia , Bodies of Evidence: Burial, Memory and the Recovery of Missing Persons in Cyprus. New York: Berghahn Books. 2005. Pp. x + 246. Cloth $75.00. Sant Cassia's book is the most comprehensive and analytically sophisticated study of a topic that has occupied center stage in the Greek Cypriot popular imagination since the 1974 Turkish invasion of the island, namely, the issue of the missing persons. The research community's relative silence regarding the issue of missing persons in Cyprus attests perhaps to Sant Cassia's observation that for many years, and until recently, the topic itself was too sensitive to allow for an open and in-depth investigation. In this book Sant Cassia is concerned with exploring memory and, more precisely, with the political economy of memory, by which he means how memories are produced and consumed, distributed, and exchanged (p. 2). The author uses metaphors from Greek tragedy, primarily the characters of Antigone and Creon, to discuss, on the one hand, the respective roles of the relatives of the missing (both Greek and Turkish Cypriot) and, on the other hand, the political authorities or the State. Sant Cassia's argument is that Creon, by claiming to speak on behalf of his Antigone, managed to maintain his rule by fabricating stories that served his own respective political agendas. For the Republic of Cyprus this has meant the fabrication of the story of the missing persons, the agnooumeni, who are missing and potentially recoverable; for the Turkish Cypriot authorities, it has meant that the disappeared ones, the kayipler, were constructed not as missing but as sacrificial victims, as dead or lost and hence beyond recovery. In this way both communities have advanced their political ideologies and strategies: for the Greek Cypriots, the recovery of the lost territories, and for Turkish Cypriots, the clear message to the rest of the world is that Greek and Turkish Cypriots cannot live together and that the establishment of their own state, the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus," is therefore justified. Sant Cassia is at his best when he draws upon art and ethnography to illustrate the utility of explicating one through the other. Rather than becoming reductionist, the use of art to interpret the ethnographic evidence becomes empowering and revealing of the underlying significance of the reconstructed past; though it is pieced together from the individual stories of those involved, the narrative of the missing is always larger and requires creative imagination on the part of the ethnographer, much like that of the artist. [End Page 129] The author describes how the Greek Cypriot story of the missing was produced to prevent closure: in some cases the political representatives of the missing, despite the fact that they knew that some of the missing were really casualties, refrained from passing on such information to the relatives while at the same time the Greek Cypriot press engaged in self-censorship. The State was thus able to continue blaming Turkey at the diplomatic level for the lack of progress in determining the fate of the missing, while at the same time some of the relatives could continue enjoying special privileges and entitlements (e.g., scholarships, housing benefits, etc.) because of their status as relatives of the missing persons. Sant Cassia illustrates how memory has been manufactured on both sides of the divide to serve the strategic goals of the political authorities; not through a process of repression of private memories, but rather through constructing particular versions of the past which allowed the elaboration of certain kinds of memories. The Republic of Cyprus has reinforced the uncertainty regarding the fate of the missing "by ensuring the continuing presence of the Missing as legal individuals, through salaries, pensions, and representation of their legal rights as property-holding individuals" (p. 87). By continuing to view the missing as a liminal category, Greek Cypriots continue to mourn but also deny their death. To acknowledge that the missing are dead, or in other words, not recoverable, would symbolically signal that the occupied territories are also lost forever; an admission that could never be...

In this research, the authors investigate the willingness of the Greek Cypriot tourism professionals to cooperate with the Turkish Cypriot counterparts in the industry. The analytical framework draws on the literature on the conflict in Cyprus, in general, and on the conflict and its impact on tourism, in particular. A few hypotheses are explored relating to what influences the tourism professionals towards cooperating with the Turkish Cypriots: their refugee experience, their increased level of contact with Turkish Cypriots, the size of the organization in which they work and the location and nature of these organizations. The data are based on a series of interviews on the support for cooperation between the tourism professionals among the Greek Cypriots. The findings show that there is clear evidence that the Greek Cypriot hotel managers are unlikely at present to cooperate with the Turkish Cypriot counterparts. On the other hand, the Greek Cypriot tour operators and tourist agencies are willing to collaborate with the other side. This paper follows with a case study of a Greek Cypriot tour-operating company which collaborates with the other side. It is suggested that policies could be designed that aim at the reconciliation of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots through the introduction of political correctness in the business, which is one of the theatres on which the Cyprus conflict is staged.