P600-like positivity and left anterior negativity responses are elicited by semantic reversibility in nonanomalous sentences

Abstract

ERPs are commonly elicited by semantic and syntactic violations in sentences, leading to proposals that they reflect neural activity underlying ordinary language comprehension. We examined ERPs in an auditory sentence-picture-matching task, using nonanomalous sentences that were either semantically reversible, (boy pushes girl) or irreversible, (boy eats apple). Timelocked to the end of the critical clause, which occurred in the middle of a longer sentence, we observed an enhanced central-posterior positivity in response to the reversible sentences. The topography of this response is consistent with the P600 potential reported in studies of syntactic anomalies and other manipulations related to sentence structure. Following the end of the sentence, during a memory delay period prior to picture onset, reversible sentences also evoked a protracted anterior negativity, predominantly on the left. This negativity was stronger for sentences containing relative clauses compared to simple active sentences, but did not differ between object-embedded and the less complex subject-embedded clauses. The observation of a P600 occurring selectively in reversible sentences supports the interpretation of that potential as reflecting the syntactic processing of thematic relationships, as irreversible sentences contained alternative cues for thematic roles. The left anterior negativity likely reflects later processes of rehearsal and reanalysis of sentence content in working memory.