On-Line Processing of Filler–Gap Constructions in Aphasia

Abstract

Two experiments were conducted exploring on-line processing of filler–gap constructions in aphasia. An auditory–auditory lexical decision paradigm was used to investigate whether Broca's and Wernicke's aphasic patients show, as do normals, reactivation of the filler at the gap site. Experiment I investigated the processing of a number of filler–gap constructions including wh-questions, relative clauses as subject, relative clauses as object, and embedded wh-questions. Broca's aphasics showed reactivation of the filler at the gap site, whereas Wernicke's aphasics did not. Experiment II examined object relative clauses and their processing by Broca's aphasics. In addition, we investigated whether the presence (or absence) of the relative pronoun played any role in on-line processing. Broca's aphasics performed as did normals. In addition, their performance was unaffected by the presence or absence of the relative pronoun. The results of these experiments suggest that Broca's aphasics do not have an impairment in processing or representing thematic relationships of NP arguments to predicates or relating traces to their antecedents.