Abstract

Aphasics' ability to assign thematic roles during sentence comprehension was investigated. The study was motivated by the hypothesis that capacity limitations, e.g., due to slowed processing operations, interact systematically with certain aspects of structural analysis more than with others. Experiments using a sentence-picture matching paradigm were conducted with several agrammatic Broca's and paragrammatic Wernicke's patients. Experiment 1 tested comprehension of various syntactic structures. The astoundingly good performance in Experiment 1 for both patient groups was attributed to the low task demands of the experiment. Raising the task demands, by delaying presentation of the relevant picture set in Experiment 2, resulted in a significant decrement of comprehension performance for agrammatic Broca's aphasics, but not for Wernicke's aphasics. Putting the main verb in the sentence-final position, as in Experiment 3, affected Wernicke's aphasics', but not Broca's aphasics' performance. In principle, one explanation for the performance differences between Experiments 1 and 2 for Broca's patients might be a deficit in these patients' verbal memory capacity. Therefore, verbal memory span on different word categories was tested in an additional experiment. No difference, however, was found between the Broca's patients' and the Wernicke's patients' capacity for verbal memory despite their different sentence comprehension profiles. The present data are taken to support the view that Broca's aphasics' comprehension behavior is due to the processing demands imposed by structural inference chains and not to a general reduction in verbal memory.

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