Abstract
ABSTRACTResearch on the labour market experiences of highly skilled migrants has revealed the crippling employability challenges they face in the UK workplace resulting from the devaluation of their homeland qualifications and experiences. Studies on highly skilled migrants from Zimbabwe have revealed how migrants have to resort to semi-skilled and unskilled work for survival. Little is known, however, about the education and labour market experiences of migrants who come into the UK without degrees and subsequently acquire a UK degree. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital and habitus, this article explores the higher education and labour market experiences of this group, as revealed by in-depth interviews with 20 participants. Findings reveal that these participants’ habitus is a complex dynamic interaction of diverse (pre)dispositions and strategies which result in them reporting better labour market success than Zimbabwe-degreed migrants. Arguably, their experiences suggest the emergence of a new UK-based habitus for Zimbabwean migrants.
Highlights
The interaction of capital, education and employability in relation to migration has been the subject of much debate in recent years (Erel, 2010; Nash, 2002)
This study, which focuses on Zimbabwean migrants who came to the UK without degrees but have managed to acquire a UK degree, adds to the steady growth of research interest in this population
Little is known about the higher education and labour market experiences and outcomes of Zimbabwean migrants who come without a degree but who go on to acquire UK-based degrees
Summary
The interaction of capital, education and employability in relation to migration has been the subject of much debate in recent years (Erel, 2010; Nash, 2002). I was acutely aware of some of the sensitivities relating to researching migrants such as having an irregular immigration status which may result in an unwillingness to share what may be seen as incriminating information; having gone through traumatic experiences which may lead to mistrust of others, including members of their own communities (Hynes, 2003); embarrassment to talk about their current lowly status; tiredness due to working multiple non/semi skilled jobs; being targeted for research by academics, government and NGOs and the trauma of repeatedly narrating your story without getting any return on time invested To get round these challenges I had to establish trust and build rapport, drawing on my knowledge of the appropriate cultural behaviour including engaging in small talk (which in most cases is done in the native language); accepting offered refreshments as a symbol of accepting the relationship; allowing the participant to take their time and watching for cultural signals of readiness to discuss more serious issues (this could be asking children to leave the room or silence as a way of allowing me to begin). The following themes, which emerged from the analysis will be discussed : Participants’ Zimbabwean habitus: Education as empowerment towards habitus transformation
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