Abstract
Quantified appositives have a limited distribution which is reminiscent of quantified discourse anaphora. This article investigates whether this parallel can be fleshed out by means of a two-dimensional dynamic semantics. The proposal works towards an explanation of why quantified appositives are generally infelicitous. Crucial is the fact that variables bound by a strong quantifier have a singular value, while the antecedents for discourse anaphora introduced by the quantifier are plural.
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