Abstract
witnessed a spate of articles outlining the ”problems” that sea-launched cruise missiles (SLCMs) present for arms control in general and START in particular. These articles have focused almost exclusively on the admittedly tremendous difficulties of verifymg numerical limits on such missiles. Despairing of any way to verify such limits, some have gone so far as to propose a complete ban on sea-launched cruise missiles, a ban enforced, if necessary, by a total ban on all tactical nuclear weapons on U.S. and Soviet navy warships. Those who decry SLCMs because of their alleged arms control problems have their frame of reference wrong. They have forgotten that arms control is not the ultimate goal. National security is. Arms control is only one of several tools to be used in constructing a secure and stable world. Seen from the perspective of national security, sea-launched cruise missiles are not part of the problem-they are part of the solution. The term ”sea-launched cruise missile” means different things to different people, for these are exceptionally versatile weapons. The United States deploys nuclear-armed land-attack missiles, conventionally armed land-attack missiles, and conventionally armed antiship missiles. The Soviets deploy both nuclear and conventionally armed antiship missiles, and are developing and deploying two different nuclear-armed missiles for land attack. The importance of conventional variants of sea-launched cruise missiles to United States military strategy is widely accepted by U.S. defense experts.* There is universal agreement within the professional military and the administration that these important conventional weapons must not be restricted as a result of a START agreement. Indeed, much of the verification discussion has focused on how to limit nuclear-armed cruise missiles without inhibiting essential conventional programs. The strong Congressional interest expressed during the recent INF ratification debate in ensuring that conven
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