Multidominance and locality

Abstract

Merger of a phrase for the second time (i.e. remerge) leads to structure sharing, which can be represented by a multidominance graph. Depending on the configuration, this corresponds to what is traditionally considered either regular movement or sideward sharing. These two types of remerge exhibit somewhat different properties. Basic Minimalist principles predict that locality constraints can be circumvented by the second type, yielding apparently nonlocal dependencies. Such effects are indeed attested in right node raising, insubordination, and amalgamated sentences. The fact that the first type cannot circumvent locality constraints is shown to explain why apparent nonlocal dependencies are absent in across-the-board movement and parasitic gap constructions.