Abstract

ABSTRACT Brazil is building a nuclear-powered attack submarine, South Korea has in the past asserted its need for nuclear-powered attack submarines to deal with the threat of North Korean nuclear-armed submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and Iran has asserted more vaguely its need for naval nuclear propulsion. All three countries are non-weapon-state parties to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Their interest in naval reactors brings with it two challenges to the NPT: (1) The safeguards “loophole” under which a country can withdraw nuclear materials from IAEA safeguards indefinitely for allowed “non-peaceful activities”; and (2) A justification for the acquisition of national uranium-enrichment facilities because the international suppliers of enrichment services have peaceful-use requirements. In fact, Brazil’s acquisition of enrichment was driven by its navy. It is argued, however, that nuclear-powered attack submarines have advantages over modern conventional attack submarines primarily in their ability to transit great distances at high speed whereas only a few countries have foreign military commitments requiring such capabilities. For defense of nearby waters against foreign navies, attack submarines are merely one component of a complex system of anti-submarine aircraft and surface vessels and underwater sensor networks. Conventional attack submarines are no less effective and much less costly than nuclear-powered attack submarines in this role.

Highlights

  • The “submarine loophole”1 in IAEA safeguards is as old as the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) safeguards regime

  • A second proliferation issue associated with nuclear-submarine programs is that they provide excuses for acquiring national enrichment plants – or, for a country that already has an enrichment plant, an excuse to produce highly enriched uranium (HEU, uranium enriched to 20% or more U-235)

  • It discourages other countries from providing enriched uranium for nonpeaceful activities. This leaves a country interested in adding nuclear-powered vessels to its navy with the option of mining its own uranium and building its own enrichment plant. This is, what Brazil, the first non-nuclear-armed state to embark on building a nuclear submarine, is doing

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Summary

Introduction

The “submarine loophole” in IAEA safeguards is as old as the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) safeguards regime. Under the NPT, non-nuclear-weapon-state parties forgo the right to make nuclear explosive devices, and all nuclear materials in “peaceful nuclear activities” must be placed under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. States are allowed to use nuclear materials for nonexplosive military purposes outside safeguards. The loophole was inserted into INFCIRC/153 (IAEA 1972), the basic safeguards agreement between the IAEA and non-nuclear-weapon states, in 1972 at the behest of Italy and the Netherlands. Was interested in building a nuclear-powered naval transport and the Netherlands was interested in nuclear-powered attack submarines

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