Abstract
BackgroundMultiple masculinities have been explicated through latent class analysis (LCA) in South Africa, and a question arises as to whether men can be similarly grouped by their behaviour in very different cultural contexts, and whether an analysis would point to similar origins to men’s use of violence against women. The UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the Pacific’s data set enabled this question to be explored.MethodsIn nine sites in six countries, data were collected from one man (18-49 years) interviewed in each of a random sample of households. Using LCA, we categorised men based on their probability of having engaged in 10 acts of violence against women or other illegal or sexually risky behaviour. We present multinomial logistic regression models of factors associated with class membership and associated childhood and trauma experiences.ResultsThe LCA model with 5 classes fitted best: the largest class (59.5% of men) had the lowest probabilities of engagement in the class-defining acts; men in the second (21.2%) were otherwise law abiding and not sexually risky, but very violent towards partners; men in the third (7.9%) had the highest probability of engagement in all violent and illegal behaviour; men in the fourth (7.8%) demonstrated behaviour at the nexus of sex and power including rape and transacted sex; and men in the fifth (3.6%), engaged in anti-social behaviour, but were less violent towards women and sexually risky. Assignment to more violent classes was associated with poverty, substance abuse and depression, and more gender inequitable attitudes and practices. Child abuse, neglect and bullying were associated with being in the more violent classes. Neither men’s domestic practices nor their fathers’ presence in their childhood were associated with class.ConclusionsClosely paralleling the South African findings, we have highlighted the childhood origins of men’s violent and anti-social behaviour, as well as the interrelationships with men’s mental health, poverty and misogyny, showing that these (intersectional) developmental processes transcend culture and setting. We need to prevent children’s exposure to violence, and in gender transformative work with men, recognise and address past and present psychological distress stemming from trauma experience.
Highlights
MethodsIn nine sites in six countries, data were collected from one man (1849 years) interviewed in each of a random sample of households
Multiple masculinities have been explicated through latent class analysis (LCA) in South Africa, and a question arises as to whether men can be grouped by their behaviour in very different cultural contexts, and whether an analysis would point to similar origins to men’s use of violence against women
We need to prevent children’s exposure to violence, and in gender transformative work with men, recognise and address past and present psychological distress stemming from trauma experience
Summary
In nine sites in six countries, data were collected from one man (1849 years) interviewed in each of a random sample of households. Field research was conducted in 201112 in nine diverse sites in six countries in Asia and the Pacific: Bangladesh, China, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea (Bougainville). They were culturally and religiously diverse, and differed in their socio-economic profile, housing conditions, political and educational systems, access to services and information, urbanity, family/kinship structures and in their history of civil conflict. All of these factors influenced expectations of what it means ‘to be a man’ in a given society and the possibilities of achieving these expectations, and various stress factors that may impact on IPV perpetration
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