Abstract

Mannington to Upper Big Branch:The Promise Betrayed John P. David (bio) and Jan Young (bio) "I told my wife, if anything happens to me, get a lawyer and sue the blankety-blank out of them. That place [Upper Big Branch] is a ticking time bomb." —Stanley Stewart, continuous miner operator and survivor of the April 5, 2010, explosion at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch mine in Montcoal, West Virginia, speaking at a May 24, 2010, Congressional hearing of the House Education and Labor Committee in Beckley The coal mine explosion at Upper Big Branch (ubb) that killed twentynine miners and injured two was the most deadly mining disaster since Consolidation Coal's #9 mine at Farmington near Mannington, West Virginia, exploded in November 1968 killing seventy-eight miners. It was also no accident. Developments in recent years have left no question of whether there would be another disaster, but only of when and where it would be, and how many miners would be killed. Generally referred to as "Mannington," the 1968 disaster in fact serves as a point of reference for tracking the path to Upper Big Branch. Mannington caused rank-and-file outrage and was the impetus for extensive changes in the coal industry, including the passage of the Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969. Broader legislation, the Occupational Safety and Health Act, was passed the following year. The United Mine Workers of America (umwa) saw the rise of the reform movement, Miners for Democracy, and the growth of the Black Lung Association. The industry itself began a realignment that resulted in a significant shift to non-union operations. The Mannington disaster along with then umwa President Tony Boyle's statement that "As long as we mine coal, there is always this inherent danger of explosion. … This happens to be one of the better companies as far as cooperation with our union and safety is concerned" clearly exposed the cozy relationship between the coal industry, its regulators, and the union hierarchy. Emboldened by growing rank-and-file discontent, umwa insider [End Page 49] Joseph "Jock" Yablonski stunned the union's establishment in May, 1969 by challenging Boyle for the union presidency. Yablonski had served as President and International Executive Board member from District 5, one of the few districts that still held elections and was not under an international union trusteeship. On December 8, 1969, Yablonski lost the election to Boyle amid accusations of extensive fraud. On New Year's Eve, Yablonski, along with his wife and daughter, was murdered at his home in Clarksville, Pennsylvania. Some years later, Tony Boyle was convicted of having arranged the murders. He died in prison in 1985. In the meantime, in the southern West Virginia counties, Robert Payne was mobilizing the Disabled Miners and Widows in strikes for Black Lung benefits. Chapters of a Black Lung Association sprang up all over the coal fields with Arnold Miller of the Montgomery, West Virginia, chapter emerging as a leader. There were massive demonstrations centering around black lung and mine health and safety in general, often featuring the three physicians, I. E. Buff, Hawey Wells, and Donald Rasmussen, who became spokespersons for the view that Black Lung was a preventable disease that had become an unchecked disaster in America. In northern West Virginia and Pennsylvania, Yablonski's sons and brother encouraged the formation of Miners for Democracy (mfd). In its first battle, mfd's Lou Antal unsuccessfully challenged incumbent Mike Budzanoski for the presidency of umwa District 5. However, by the end of 1971, the U.S. Department of Labor's investigation of the Boyle-Yablonski election had unearthed enough irregularities to overturn Boyle's election. The stage was set for another national umwa election. The forces from mfd and the Black Lung movement came together, and in May 1972 put forward a reform slate with Arnold Miller from the Black Lung movement at its head. Harry Patrick from northern West Virginia held the second slot, and Mike Trbovich from the original mfd District 5 was slotted as Secretary-Treasurer. With the rerun election supervised by 230 agents from the U.S. Department of Labor, the reform slate won, and the...

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