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Abstract
This paper proposes a novel analysis for the Basque definite determiner [-a] where it is argued, in opposition to other scholars (cf. Artiagoitia, 2002, 2006 where [-a] is argued to be a number marker when it gets the existential narrow scope interpretation), that the Basque definite determiner (despite its various interpretations) is just that, a definite determiner. Moreover, based on the behaviour of this element, this paper provides extra evidence in favour of the Neocarlsonian approach (cf. Chierchia, 1998b; Dayal, 2004) where the existential interpretation of bare nouns (BN) is shown to be dependent on the kind-level reading. This evidence should also be taken as proof against the so--called Ambiguity analysis (cf. Diesing, 1992; Kratzer, 1995; a.o.) or the Property-based approach to BNs, (cf. McNally, 1995; Laca, 1996; Dobrovie--Sorin & Laca, 2003) where BNs’ existential interpretation is argued to be non-dependent on any other reading. Furthermore, observing the different interpretations that the definite determiner can force in Basque – referential, kind, and existential –, this language is shown to be typologically in between English and French (as argued by Etxeberria, 2005).
Highlights
In Basque linguistics, determination has become a classical discussion topic
Both DP objects are claimed to get existential interpretation and the Basque D [-a] should be in NumP in both DPs, there is no way in which the sentence in (24) can be interpreted as Jon having bought more than one car, that is, the number of cars is strictly limited to ‘one’
What this paper proposes is that mass terms are not number marked, and they share the property of triggering singular verb agreement with singular count terms, they differ in being number neutral
Summary
In Basque linguistics, determination has become a classical discussion topic. What make this topic interesting are the various functions the Basque definite article (D) can accomplish. Observing the syntactic distribution of the Basque D, it is important to note that the Basque D must necessarily appear with all the arguments if the sentence is going to be grammatical.1 This is not the only use of [-a], since it can appear with predicates; in those cases it plays the role of the participle or of individual-level predication. Since we will concentrate on the Basque article in this paper, what I’m saying is the following: Basque does not accept BNs in argument position Note that this statement is not completely correct; in the Basque dialect from Zuberoa 2 The existential reading could be called indefinite; there are some important differences between the existential reading that the Basque D (or BNs in English or Spanish) can obtain and the existential interpretation that real indefinites (e.g. a) get. This should be taken as evidence against the Ambiguity approach (Wilkinson, 1991; Diesing, 1992; Kratzer, 1995; a.o.) as well as the Property-based approach to BNs (McNally, 1995; Laca, 1996; Dobrovie-Sorin & Laca, 2003; a.o.). Basque will be shown to be typologically in between English and French
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