Abstract
AbstractMost of those trying to assess what Keir Starmer stands for and how he plans to achieve his objectives are too impressed by an understanding of Thatcherism associated with Stuart Hall. That is one reason why they complain that Starmerism is little more than an empty space. But other less heroic ways of thinking about a leader's ‘ism’ are available and using a more multidimensional approach, this article assesses the evolution of Starmerism through his successful campaign to be leader of a divided party and his first year as leader of the opposition. On that basis it suggests that Starmerism as currently articulated is close to a ‘Corbynism with the brakes on’, although if it is to resonate with the public, Starmer himself needs to adopt some of the rhetorical tools associated with Wilsonism at its peak.
Highlights
Most of those trying to assess what Keir Starmer stands for and how he plans to achieve his objectives are too impressed by an understanding of Thatcherism associated with Stuart Hall
What price an ‘ism’ ? Certainly, that was Richard Rose’s view of Margaret Thatcher when in 1980 he predicted the new Prime Minister would remain trapped within the postwar policy consensus.[1]
If any leader merited an ‘ism’ it was her. Despite being such an exceptional figure—regularly ranked as one of the country’s best Prime Ministers—Hall’s heroic conception of an ideologically coherent and fantastically determined Thatcherism has become the model against which subsequent ‘isms’ have been measured
Summary
Starmer won the leadership in April 2020 through a disciplined constructive ambiguity that allowed him to win support across a divided party From this point he faced the more challenging task of trying to become Prime Minister at the election, which meant winning over a much bigger and very different kind of electorate, but one at odds with itself. Johnson’s capture of many red wall seats—postindustrial and largely poor manual working class constituencies, mostly situated in the English North and Midlands and traditionally associated with strong Labour support—had been a long time coming Voters in such seats, especially those who were white, mature, male and with a basic education, favoured an interventionist economic role for government—one not offered during the New Labour period in office—but were culturally conservative. 12‘Labour leadership: don’t just blame 2019 campaign, Starmer warns’, BBC News, 16 January 2020; https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics51139619 (accessed 27 February 2021)
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