Abstract

Japanese allows matrix questions either with or without a Q-particle. It is therefore often assumed that a Q-particle is optional in matrix questions and questions can be licensed by a null Q-particle or rising-intonation. This paper, however, shows that some matrix questions require an overt Q-particle, which undermines the assumption that a null Q-particle or rising intonation can license sentences as interrogative. This study thus pursues the mechanism of licensing matrix questions without this assumption. In particular, I propose that yes/no- and wh-questions without an overt Q-particle are licensed via Agree with their relevant items (i.e. a polarity head and wh-phrase). I further argue that there are two positions where matrix yes/no-questions are licensed in Japanese. This two-layered approach can capture the typological distribution of Q-particles and universal properties of matrix yes/no-questions.

Highlights

  • This paper investigates the licensing condition of matrix questions in Japanese

  • I have argued that matrix questions without a Q-particle are not typed as interrogative by the existence of a null Q-particle or rising intonation

  • I have pursued a mechanism of derivationally licensing matrix questions without a Q-particle

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Summary

Introduction

This paper investigates the licensing condition of matrix questions in Japanese. Japanese matrix questions can occur either with or without a Q(usestion)-particle such as ka.1 I assume that Q-particles are lexical elements that contain a [Q]-feature, which sentences must carry in a right position to form a question. I argue that matrix yes/no-questions without a Q-particle are typed as interrogative when the topmost SA head obtains a [Q]-feature via Agree with the Pol(arity) head in the IP domain (Bailey 2013; Holmberg 2015). The structure of (16a) and (17a) is given below: (20) [ForceP [FocP [FinP [TP Hanako come-T] no] da/desu[Foc]] kke/ka[Q]]

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