Abstract
As part of a project on historical sociolinguistic based in the language of immediacy texts, data from this variationist analysis show how, despite the sharp decline in the uses of deber de + infinitive from the eighteenth century onwards, a number of linguistic and extralinguistic factors come together to stop a process that otherwise would have led to the final victory of the non-prepositional variant. Moreover, the study indicates the existence of a relative continuity with distributional patterns observed earlier in the classical period, that we have discussed elsewhere.
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