L2 transfer of L1 island-insensitivity: The case of Norwegian

Dave Kush,Anne Dahl

doi:10.1177/0267658320956704

Abstract

Norwegian allows filler-gap dependencies into embedded questions, which are islands for filler-gap dependency formation in English. We ask whether there is evidence that Norwegian learners of English transfer the functional structure that permits island violations from their first language (L1) to their second language (L2). In two acceptability judgment studies, we find that Norwegians are more likely to accept ‘island-violating’ filler-gap dependencies in L2 English if the corresponding filler-gap dependency is acceptable in Norwegian: Norwegian learners variably accept English sentences with dependencies into embedded questions, but not into subject phrases. These results are consistent with models that permit transfer of abstract functional structure. Norwegians are still less likely to accept filler-gap dependencies into English embedded questions than Norwegian embedded questions. We interpret the latter finding as evidence that, despite transfer, Norwegian speakers may partially restructure their L2 English analysis. We discuss how indirect positive evidence may play a role in helping learners restructure.

Highlights

This article addresses first language (L1) transfer in the acquisition of filler-gap dependencies in adult second language (L2) acquisition
We investigate if the acceptability of sentences like (4b) leads native Norwegian speakers to accept sentences like (3b) in their L2 English
Martohardjono found that Italian participants rejected the test sentences at rates comparable to L1 English natives.6. These results demonstrate that participants do not allow island-violating dependencies in their L2 if those dependencies are unacceptable in L1, an empirical conclusion that is supported by the growing body of research on the real-time processing of islands in L2 (Felser et al, 2012; Kim et al, 2015; Omaki and Schulz, 2012)

Summary

Introduction

This article addresses first language (L1) transfer in the acquisition of filler-gap dependencies in adult second language (L2) acquisition. We ask whether Norwegian learners of English transfer acceptable filler-gap dependencies from their L1 Norwegian to their L2. We consider whether and how Norwegians might learn that English is more restrictive than Norwegian. Norwegian and English allow long-distance filler-gap dependencies into embedded declarative clauses. The relative clause (RC) head the signals / signalene can be interpreted as either the direct object (1a, 2a) or subject (1b, 2b) of an embedded verb. B. Those were the signalsi that the sailors said [(that) folks could understand ___i ]. Those were the signalsi that the sailors said [ ___i meant danger]

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