Abstract
It has been argued that the non-interference principle is given more emphasis than democracy and human rights in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Yet a certain kind of consensus has emerged: ASEAN members may become involved in one another’s domestic affairs as long as they do so via ASEAN organs and instruments. This can be seen in co-operation on disaster management. Since the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) was established in 2011, the definition of a “disaster” appropriate for regional management has been broadened. Careful analysis of this case shows that, each for its own strategic reasons, ASEAN organs and institutions began to be useful for both “giving” and “receiving” member states. This article’s analysis of strategic interaction among member states yields useful insights on how intervention via multi-lateral frameworks shapes both the behaviour of domestic decision-makers and the dynamics within regional organisations.
Highlights
Non-interference, a cardinal principle in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since its founding in 1967, has remained embedded in its institutions even after the 2003 Declaration of ASEAN Concord II and the 2007 ASEAN Charter incorporated democracy and human rights as principles that ASEAN should support
Some argue that the influence of ASEAN’s non-d emocratic members has secured its retention, despite recent steps in the direction of prioritising democracy and human rights (Dosch, 2008; Gerard, 2014; Kuhonta, 2006). These analysts point to the trajectory of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) since its establishment in 2009
Non-d emocratic ASEAN members agreed to establish the AICHR in order to enhance ASEAN’s international reputation and legitimacy, but, ever since, they have successfully opposed the creation of an operational mandate for the organ (Munro, 2011; Ryu and Ortuoste, 2014)
Summary
Non-interference, a cardinal principle in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since its founding in 1967, has remained embedded in its institutions even after the 2003 Declaration of ASEAN Concord II and the 2007 ASEAN Charter incorporated democracy and human rights as principles that ASEAN should support. ASEAN has positioned its institutions to challenge the non-interference principle, and discussions of the principle’s practical, day-to-d ay relevance have sometimes occurred during ASEAN meetings. Some argue that the influence of ASEAN’s non-d emocratic members has secured its retention, despite recent steps in the direction of prioritising democracy and human rights (Dosch, 2008; Gerard, 2014; Kuhonta, 2006). These analysts point to the trajectory of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) since its establishment in 2009. ASEAN’s engagement with Myanmar is offered as a case in point (Acharya, 2001; Haacke, 2005)
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