Immigrants, Self-Employment, and Growth in American Cities

The interaction of old and new immigrant communities has determined many of the impacts of immigration on American cities in recent decades. In urban neighborhoods across the United States, newcomers have settled among earlier generations of migrants and their descendants, reshaping old immigrant enclaves’ demography, economy, and built environment. Local politics of immigration and neighborhood development reflect the struggles and aspirations of newcomer and receiving communities negotiating their place in US cities and society.

This paper analyses the mobilization actions among Latino populations in the United States, especially Mexican immigrants, triggered by the passage of H.R. 4437 by the U.S. House of Representatives on December 16, 2005. I expose the actors, their rationale, and mechanisms of mobilization that have raised to a historical proportion the current U.S. immigration debate. From a macro perspective, this work suggests that mobilization actions can be explained mainly through the involvement of the Catholic Church and/or immigrant-supportive organizations in 32 cities across the nation. From a micro perspective, this research suggests that faith, work and family are the triggering factors for Latinos and Latino immigrants to participate in political mobilizations of this type. Research for this paper is based on two major sources: (1) “U.S. Immigration Debate: Core Documents,” which includes more than 200 electronic links to documents related to the current U.S. immigration debate, and can be consulted in the website of the Mexico-North Research Network (www.mexnor.org); and (2) the “Mexico-North Collection on the U.S. Immigration Debate,” which includes more than 900 articles from U.S. and Mexican newspapers, magazines and electronic newsletters about the immigration debate for the period January 2005 – July 2006. The author would like to knowledge the support of the Department of Political Science at the University of Nebraska at Omaha for the research in this work. Partial funding for this work was provided by the Office of Latino and Latin American Studies at the University of Nebraska at Omaha/U.S. Department of Education. G. Cano, August 2006, gcano@mail.unomaha.edu Political Mobilization of Mexican Immigrants in American Cities and the U.S. Immigration Debate By Gustavo Cano Mexico-North Research Network, Washington D.C. and the University of Nebraska at Omaha “I want my children to know their mother is not a criminal. I want them to be as strong I am. This shows our strength.” Benita Olmedo, a nanny who came to the U.S. illegally in 1986 from Mexico, participating in an immigrant rights rally with her two children, 7 and 11 years old, in the city of San Francisco on May 1, 2006 ABC News: Immigrants Walk Off the Job in Boycott, May 1, 2006 “You should send all of the 13 million aliens home, then you take all of the welfare recipients who are taking a free check and make them do those jobs. It’s as simple as that.” Jack Culberson, a retired Army colonel and a counter-protester in Pensacola, Florida on May 1, 2006 ABC News: Immigrants Walk Off the Job in Boycott, May 1, 2006 On December 16, 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed the bill H.R. 4437 titled “Border Protection, Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005.” This bill makes illegal presence in the United States (U.S.) a felony. The bill also requires the department of Homeland Security to construct a double security fence across several portions of the Mexican border; encourages local police to enforce immigration law; makes it a felony “to assist, encourage, direct, or induce to enter or remain in the country with knowing or reckless disregard” of the fact that immigrants reside in the country illegally; and imposes a maximum fine of forty thousand dollars per undocumented worker that an employer hires or that an agency helps to find work. Currently, between 11 and 12 million unauthorized immigrants are estimated to live on U.S. soil. About fifty six percent of Latino unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. are of Mexican origin. This legislative action triggered the mobilization of millions of persons across the U.S. in the first half of 2006. The first major rally against H.R. 4437 took place in the city of Chicago, where a number between 100,000 and 300,000 individuals took to the streets on March 10, 2006. For the period March 11-April 7 the rallies expanded to 76 cities with an 1 “Size and Characteristics of the Unauthorized Migrant Population in the U.S. Estimates Based on the March 2005 Current Population Survey” by Jeffrey S. Passel, Pew Hispanic Center, March 2006. http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/61.pdf

Economic Order for Self-employed Businesses and Entrepreneurial Sequence of Immigrants in Cities

Although tuberculosis (TB) continues to affect an estimated 10% to 50% of the world population, with three million tuberculosis-related deaths annually, the disease had been widely believed to be controlled in the United States. Improved nutrition, higher standards of living for the poor, and the post-World War II discoveries of antituberculosis antibiotics dramatically decreased the incidence of active disease. The rate of decline in incidence in the U.S. had been approximately 6% per year, reaching an all-time low of only 22,000 reported cases in 1984.1,2 This decline in diagnosed disease was the foundation for the forecast that complete eradication of tuberculosis could be achieved in the United States by the end of the 20th century. However, beginning in the 1960s, responsibility for managing remaining tuberculosis cases shifted from specialized hospital units to less-well-equipped outpatient settings. Medical school teaching of tuberculosis-related issues declined, and research funding for the disease was dramatically reduced.2 In the 1980s, large-scale immigration from regions endemic for tuberculosis introduced new cases into the U.S., and the increase in homelessness and AIDS in American cities has created a dangerous and self-perpetuating pocket of disease in two populations that are particularly at risk. Finally, the ease with which the organism can spread within institutionalized populations has made outbreaks of tuberculosis common in prisons, nursing homes, and hospitals. As a result of these many factors, a deadly resurgence of this ancient scourge is taking place, with an estimated 10 to 15 million Americans currently infected by tuberculosis.1 Two recent studies from San Francisco and New York revealed startling findings about the nature of the latest epidemic.3,4 Using DNA fingerprinting to evaluate the relative contribution of recent infection to the overall incidence of TB, these studies found that at least 33% of current cases can …

This article investigates the connections between multiculturalism, unemployment and self–employment in the case of Berlin’s Turkish economy. It first describes five trends that are currently shaping German–Turks’ business activities: heterogeneity, hybridity, professionalism, internationalization and state interest. The consequences of these five trends are partly contradictory. On the one hand, they challenge the relevance of the ‘Turkish economy’ concept. On the other hand, they give an unprecedented respectability to the ‘Turkish economy’, thus popularizing this concept. The article argues that this contradiction should be interpreted as an outcome of the growing importance of multiculturalism in Germany’s relation to immigrants. Acknowledging the presence of immigrants has led to an emphasis on their high rate of self–employment, viewed as a possible solution to their unemployment and ‘integration’ problems. What emerges is the economic dimension of multiculturalism, i.e. an ideology that sees immigration and ethnic pluralism as economically positive. The article concludes by a critical analysis of this ideology.Cet article étudie les liens entre multiculturalisme, chômage et entreprise individuelle dans le cas de l’économie turque berlinoise. Il décrit d’abord cinq tendances qui configurent actuellement l’activitééconomique des Germano–turcs: hétérogénéité, hybridité, professionnalisme, internationalisation et intérêt de l’État. Les conséquences de ces cinq tendances sont en partie contradictoires. D’un côté, elles remettent en question le concept ‘d’économie turque’ et, de l’autre, elles lui offrent une respectabilité sans précédent, propageant ainsi le concept. Cette contradiction devrait être interprétée comme le résultat de l’importance croissante du multiculturalisme dans la relation de l’Allemagne à l’égard des immigrants. Reconnaître la présence d’immigrés a conduit à souligner le rôle important des entrepreneurs, considérés comme une solution possible à leurs problèmes de chômage et ‘d’intégration’. Est ainsi révélée la dimension économique du multiculturalisme, c’est–à–dire une idéologie qui voit l’immigration et le pluralisme ethnique comme économiquement positifs. La conclusion expose une analyse critique de cette idéologie.

In this article I begin with an overview of migration theory as it relates to those selling sex, including two key concepts: the feminisation of migration and labour migration. I then explore the interest that has arisen regarding the ways people leave their countries and arrive in others, in general, and then the particular concern for those who sell sex after arrival in Europe. I describe the ideas involved in the ‘trafficking’ discourse, the conflicts associated with efforts to define the crimes involved, the role played by the ‘violence against women’ discourse and the subtleties encountered in migrants’ own testimonies that destabilise the rigid debate that dominates this issue. Although this subject would appear to be a major source of concern in the UK, little empirical research has been published. There is no reason to believe, however, that the situation will develop very differently from what is well established all over Europe, in diverse national and cultural contexts, and since the nature of migrant sex work in Europe is itinerant and transnational, the best way to conceive of the subject is in any case as ‘European’. What and Who is a Migrant in Europe The first category in need of discussion is that of the ‘migrant’. The UK has a longer history of immigration from former colonies into the mother country and a more apparently multicultural society than many other European countries, but the use of the term migrant is more recent here. Confusion arises from different usages of the word migrant in different national contexts. Although statistics show that in many areas of Europe other European migrants are still among the most numerous groups within the migrant whole, the word ‘migrant’ tends to be used to signify non-European. Similarly, migrants who have now been ‘assimilated’ and made citizens of a particular European state are sometimes included and sometimes not in popular definitions and census exercises. Official government accountings, which vary across the European Union, do not publish statistics on immigrants per se but on different states related to immigration, such as visa status, residence status, municipal registration or permission to work, in a variety of bureaucratic categories. Many people refer to the dichotomy legal-illegal, but the possibilities are far more complex, taking in workers with definite assignments, transit migrants, suitcase traders, the self-employed, ‘forced’ migrants, those who are to some extent hiding and those who have escaped being recorded at all. In some countries, migrants move in and out of legal status repeatedly (Singleton and Barbesino 1999: 20). Theories of migration have tended to concentrate on questions of causation— why people move to new countries. Some theorists focus on international structural conditions such as recomposition of capital (for example, in ‘export

Canadians have heard concerns from news reports and economists that the last recession accelerated the rise of a contingent labour force made up of precarious part-time, contract, temporary or self-employed workers. But the evidence contradicts that. The share of those jobs has not increased significantly and, anyway, the vast majority of people who work part time do so voluntarily, not for lack of other options. Meanwhile, self-employment is growing as a lifestyle choice among older Canadians, especially in the strongest provincial economies. Given workers’ demand for part-time work and self-employment, we should worry not about the rise of these kinds of jobs, but whether the economy is creating enough of them to ensure maximum labour participation for the students and older workers who would prefer to have them. Currently, it is not.Increasing labour force participation by youths poses unique challenges in Canada. In Ontario, youth unemployment has never been higher, while in recent years in Alberta, unemployment has never been lower. And yet, these underutilized workers are largely immobile: although, historically, Canada has had a remarkably mobile labour force, these youths seem lately unwilling to go to where the jobs are, reducing the efficiency of Canada’s labour market. In the meantime, while immigration has been a key part of replenishing our aging labour pool, immigrants still tend to migrate to Toronto and Montreal, while at the same time their workforce participation rates have diminished.There is nothing to suggest that this regional employment imbalance will correct itself at a different point in the business cycle. Unlike in the U.S., manufacturing jobs are still a powerful force in the Central Canadian economy, but these jobs are not growing, and will likely not grow in the future, as manufacturers now rely more on automation and boosting productivity. What is more, evidence suggests that employers often do not regard today’s youths as reasonable substitutes for older workers approaching retirement. They are seen as lacking the right skills, which may indicate that our post-secondary system is not effectively serving the labour market.In the meantime, Alberta and Saskatchewan have had to become more innovative in managing the reality of tighter labour markets. Those provinces now boast higher participation rates among older workers, and employees willing to work longer weeks than workers elsewhere. There still remain untapped labour pools among aboriginals, the disabled, and non-participating mothers, which Western businesses (and others) could and should find better ways to mobilize. Still, it is nevertheless alarming that, while the West continues to search for workers, young people in Central Canada sit unemployed, many of them not even adding greater skill development, while their futures become increasingly uncertain.

Town planning’s social dimension is a feature of all aspects of modern cities, representing man and his need to be at the centre of the discipline and, as such, the relationship between housing, population growth and public policies. Faced with the phenomenon of immigration, the means available for city management cannot meet the needs of the social services sector in full, even though public policies have sought to bring it up to date, taking into account aspects that were previously considered of no importance to town planning such as those of an anthropological and sociological nature. The city of Bologna was not chosen randomly, but because it is emblematic of the rivalry between town planning and politics: from the country’s urban development, the reformist town planning proposed in the Sixties and Seventies and its social dimension to the difficult question of urban equity, property speculation, contrasts with national legislation and the importance of tools in solving the crucial problems of a city whose political, economic and social aspects have been continually altered and of late include a new component: the phenomenon of the immigration process that cannot be excluded from town planning. The complexity of the subject of housing and the concept of housing rights has always been acknowledged. This study, conducted in the field of town planning, arises from the need for a better understanding of international migration and its effect on the city and the relationship with town planning. Starting with a consideration of the economic crisis, I discuss the priorities and current requirements that the phenomenon of immigration represents and how the public policies adopted so far have tackled the issue of social equality for foreigners and Italians. The analysis of the main structural urban planning tools comprises what was the first city expansion plan (1889), the General Development Plan (PRG 85) and the Council Structural Plan, the new general urban planning tool for the city of Bologna that replaces the old PRG. The Council Structural Plan was adopted on 16/07/2007, approved on 14/07/2008 and came into force on 10/09/2008. The instruments studied in an integrated manner were the Council Operational Plan, approved on 04/05/2009 and effective since 03/06/2000, Urban Building Regulations, adopted on 20/04/2009 and effective since 20/05/2009, and Regional Act No. 20/2000. The research attempts to investigate the importance of democracy in public policies, specifying the instruments contained in urban development plans as important social planning tools, as the city is an area of conflict in which we find a series of interests that often conceal the fact that they do not correspond or correspond only partly with the aspirations of its inhabitants, without forgetting to analyse aspects such as social insecurity, diversity and urban integration, urban decay and regeneration, along with all their variables. The conclusion is that an area governed at a local level, but with a global outlook, has more probability of successfully implementing its policies, since transparency and disclosure of results to the public are vital.

Objective To investigate the status and main influencing factors of health education among migrant population in China and to provide evidences for promoting health literacy of migrant population. Methods From the dataset of China's National Migrant Population Dynamic Survey conducted in May 2017, we extracted the information on 154 586 migrants aged 15 years or older and living in a resettlement destination for more than 6 months. Statistical analysis on the collected data was performed using SPSS 20.0 software. Results Among the migrants studied, 112 989 (73.1%) reported ever receiving health education during past one year. The number (percentage) of the migrants reporting ever received high, moderate, and low informative health education were 84 236 (54.5%), 26 486 (17.1%), and 43 864 (28.4%), respectively. The topics of health education ever received by the migrants included smoking control (reported by 51.5% of the migrants), maternal and child health/eugenics (51.2%), reproductive health and contraception (50.5%), self-rescue in public emergency (42.3%), prevention of sexually transmitted disease/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (39.7%), chronic disease prevention (37.4%), mental health (35.8%), tuberculosis prevention (33.7%), and occupational disease prevention (33.4%). The health education media reported by the migrants involved promotional materials such as paper and film (listed by 85.6% of the migrants), billboards/electronic display (74.8%), public health consultation (45.3%), health lecture (44.6%), community messaging/WeChat/networks (40.2%), and personal face-to-face consultation (30.1%). The results of multivariate ordinal logistic regression revealed that the migrants with following characteristics were more likely to have high informative health education: aged 30 – 49 years, with the education of junior high school and above, married, with an average monthly family income of 3 000 – 11 999 RMB, living in current resettlement destination for 2 – 5 years, and immigrating to regions in central or western China; while, the migrants aged 50 years and above, with a rural registered residence, having an occupation other than employer, employee or self-employed, having a cross province migration, and immigrating to regions in northeastern China were more likely to have low informative health education. Conclusion The health education is generally at a low level and mainly influenced by age, education, marital status, type of registered residence, employment, monthly family income, years of current migration, and resettlement region among migrant population in China.

Cet article analyse l’evolution de la segregation residentielle des immigres en France entre 1968 et 1999 et ses liens avec le logement social, dans les unites urbaines de plus de 50 000 habitants et entre ces unites, a l’aide de donnees issues des recensements. Durant cette periode, la segregation des immigres europeens et celle des immigres non europeens ont suivi des tendances divergentes. Au niveau macrogeographique, les resultats indiquent une baisse de la concentration des immigres dans certaines unites urbaines, notamment pour les immigres non europeens vivant en logement social. A l’interieur des unites urbaines, une segregation par origine nationale predominait en 1968 pour tous les groupes, avant de decliner par la suite, principalement pour les immigres europeens. Quant aux immigres non europeens vivant en logement social, la diminution de la segregation par origine nationale a ete contrebalancee par une augmentation de la segregation par continent ou sous-continent d’origine. La concentration des immigres de differentes origines nationales dans les logements sociaux de certains quartiers peut en partie l’expliquer. En 1999, les immigres habitant des logements sociaux, particulierement les non europeens, connaissaient des niveaux de segregation plus eleves que ceux vivant en logement prive. Toutefois, les niveaux de segregation des differents groupes d’immigres ne varient pas avec l’anciennete moyenne de sejour en France.

The issue became an issue separate entrants to local governments, especially after the implementation of regional autonomy in areas where unemployment is already a responsibility of local governments. The macroeconomics of labor due to a lot of competition from the entry of migrants into a city, then the impact of competition, the impact of the use of natural resources is also a problem, the effects of pollution and other problems. The government needs to take a policy in order to control the immigrants for unemployment in urban areas can be suppressed. This study focused on areas particularly Pekanbaru Panam (Charming District), the aim is to find motivation immigrants and analyze factors that influence the motivation of migrants. The method used is descriptive method with quantitative analysis. Sources of data in this study are immigrants residing in the district Charming taken as many as 30 people using simple random sampling method. The results of this study indicate that: 1) It turns out that motivates immigrants to come to the city of Pekanbaru, especially areas Panam (Charming district) is due to cultural factors outside the region, followed by a factor of Pekanbaru city's rapid development, then as the security situation Pekanbaru city and also because the opportunity available work. 2) It turned out that employment opportunities can dampen the desire immigrants to come to the city of Pekanbaru (especially Panam region), because with the amount of employment opportunities, the competition to get a job will be very strict. This condition is not desired by the settlers with a capital of education and skills that all mediocre

Huge urban agglomerations of the world become bigger and more numerous. In 2000 there were 16 giant cities with population more than 10 million people, and by 2015 their number will have grown up to 21. However the biggest share of the global urban population increase falls on relatively small places with population from 500,000 to 5 million people. Within 2000-2015 the tendencies will be similar.Global urbanization engrosses more and more countries and regions. Mankind keeps on growing irregularly – population increase is concentrated in cities.It is obvious why human masses gather in big cities: the life in such cities is more comfortable than in rural area. Of course, poverty and despondent imbecility of rural life looks less attractive than city apartment and rapid rhythm of life in a megapolis. Finally, it is desire for better comfort – accommodation, activity and reasonableness of living – that leads immigrants to the city. In some cases the number of immigrants is so big that city population increases several times within the life of one generation. In other words, there are more newcomers that the natives of the city. In this case the tendency towards «discomfortization » embraces the whole megapolis. In the urban development science such effect is called «degradation of urban environment ». Tokyo and London of the seventies-nineties of the last century can be examples of this. Vsevolod Ovchinnikov describes «the Oriental capital»: «Tokyo is a hypertrophied embodiment of the problems peculiar to megapolises in general and to an overpeopled insular country in particular. This paradoxical combination of tightness and chaos, density and dispersion… Tokyo citizens have a joke that even their dogs have to wag their tails not from side to side, but upward and downward». In addition to the problems of pure air and water, transport and noise there is a tremendous ugliness of urban development. Plenty of individual beautiful buildings do not make the general impression better: «Try to find a point for panoramic picture for everybody to say: what a beautiful city! Even the perfection of Japanese photographic apparatuses cannot be helpful. You need not a tripod but at least a helicopter… Hundreds of monumental buildings are lost like a mosaic fallen to pieces, which could compose a wonderful picture if architects worked in collaboration with city planners».It can hardly be said that some definite people deliberately and purposefully came to a decision to make the city uncomfortable for living. The situation looks like an unintentional reflective reaction of a primitive living organism – it is a rejection of irritant factor. The city, like a living but unreasonable being, tries to push out its «excess» people. If authorities do not take upon themselves the functions of reason, that is planning and management, the urban environment degrades very quickly. Instead of expected welfare citizens get a pastry filled with horseradish – life dressed with many problems and oppressive discomfort.

Proclamations of the death of Los Angeles’ growth machine are premature. These proclamations overlook the growing role of immigrant Korean and Chinese entrepreneurs in regional property development. Since 1970, Korean and Chinese entrepreneurs have seriously restructured Los Angeles’ morphology, creating hierarchically arranged residential and business clusters for co–ethnic immigrants. Koreatown and Monterey Park are the brand names most familiar to outsiders, but these prominent localities really coexist with a multiplicity of less well–known ethnic communities that owe their origins to immigrant property developers. The immigrant property developers use the classic methods of the growth machine: buy land cheaply, promote it in Chinese or Korean emigration basins, then sell it to co–ethnic immigrants at a profit. In the process, the immigrant property developers reduce the difficulty of immigration to Los Angeles at the same time that they enhance its perceived desirability. The success of the Chinese and Korean developers highlights the hazard of assuming, as is conventionally done, that ethnic residential clustering arises from leaderless social processes. In both these highlighted cases, entrepreneurial elites created residential clusters of co–ethnics from conscious, long–term plans that required political as well as economic savoir–faire. In so doing, the immigrant property developers joined the Los Angeles growth machine whose fortunes, admittedly, have been waning among the native born population of the region.La mort annoncée de la dynamique de croissance de Los Angeles est prématurée. Ce serait oublier le rôle grandissant des chefs d’entreprise immigrés coréens et chinois dans l’aménagement immobilier régional. Depuis 1970, ces entrepreneurs ont considérablement restructuré la morphologie de Los Angeles, créant des ‘agglomérats’ commerciaux et résidentiels hiérarchisés pour migrants de m?me ethnie. Si Koreatown et Monterey Park sont des noms bien connus des étrangers, ces lieux dominants coexistent en réalité avec une multiplicité de communautés ethniques moins renommées qui doivent leurs origines à des promoteurs immigrés. Ces derniers appliquent les mécanismes classiques de la prospérité: acheter le terrain bon marché, le promouvoir dans des bassins d’émigration chinois ou coréens, puis le vendre à profità des immigrants co–ethniques. Ainsi, les promoteurs immigrés facilitent l’immigration vers Los Angeles tout en en accentuant l’aspect attractif. La réussite des aménageurs chinois et coréens souligne le risque qu’il y a à supposer, comme bien souvent, que tout regroupement résidentiel ethnique naît de processus sociaux non dirigés. Dans les deux cas exposés, les élites commerciales ont créé des regroupements résidentiels de m?me ethnie selon des plans délibérés à long terme, impliquant un savoir–faire à la fois politique et économique. Ce faisant, les promoteurs immigrés ont rejoint la dynamique de croissance de Los Angeles qui, il est vrai, a vu décliner les succès au sein de sa population de souche.

En el barrio de Pilsen de la ciudad de Chicago la comunidad ha venido realizado diversas acciones y esfuerzos para revitalizar e identificar este espacio antes multicultural ahora para los mexicoamericanos. Estudios realizados en la ciudad de Chicago, nos permiten conocer acciones y procesos de apropiación del espacio público por los grupos étnicos migrantes que se han instalado en esta ciudad. En Pilsen, uno de los más antiguos de la ciudad, existen organizaciones que han estado trabajando para revitalizarlo. Las acciones y objetivos que han emprendido pretenden buscar la identidad de los mexicanos emigrados a esta ciudad. Un ejemplo, <em>el proyecto resurrección </em>es una asociación que ha trabajado por más de veinte años, desarrollando múltiples acciones buscando no solo la identidad mexicana, también dignificar la vivienda y apoyar a los migrantes mexicanos. El Museo de Arte Mexicano, es otra organización que también ha contribuido para proporcionar y fortalecer la identidad mexicana en esta ciudad multicultural. Este trabajo pretende exponer los principales logros, limitaciones y los retos en la revitalización social y espacial de un lugar ocupado mayoritariamente por migrantes mexicanos en esta ciudad.

The title of this article is the process of making service of Resident Identity Cards Seasonal in Pontianak City. Focused writing this article departing from the number of migrants from outside the city of Pontianak, especially students who do not have KIPEM, caused by complex requirements and procedure KIPEM manufacture. Research was conducted in order completed the requirements of the program completion strata 1 at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Tanjungpura. Purpose of this study is want to describe the service process in the manufacture of KIPEM in Pontianak. Methods used in this study is qualitative descriptive research, conducted through interviews with informant. Well as supported by the observation and study documentation. The results showed that the process of making services KIPEM still felt quite complicated and convoluted by the immigrant students. Immigrant students have not fully know the procedures and requirements of making KIPEM, especially to meet the requirements of owners get KK reservoir boarding. Difficulty of obtaining reservoir due of Familly Card boarding house owner does not reside in the boarding house. This condition causes many immigrant students are reluctant to take care KIPEM complicated because the service process. On one side of the city government requires immigrants to have KIPEM student, but the other side the immigrant students find compicated to complicated the KIPEM manufacture. Keywords: Seasonal Resident Identity Card (KIPEM), Service Requirements, Service Procedure.