Identity across Generations: A Turkish American Case Study

Abstract

This article explores identity formation across generations among Turkish Americans. The study argues that important differences exist between first and second generation Turkish Americans in regard to the acceptance and assertion of their and Turkish identities and cultural practices. While first generation Turkish Americans are quite reluctant to assert their identities, second generation Turkish Americans openly express both their Turkish and identities, regardless of their religious orientation. Whereas the first generation is more isolated in America no matter the degree of their acculturation, second generation Turkish Americans are much more integrated, as linguistic proficiency and cultural adaptation are less significant barriers to their participation in larger society. This article also suggests that those second generation Turkish immigrants who feel discriminated against believe that it is their Islamic faith rather than their ethnicity that is the cause of their lack of acceptance by larger society. There has been an important growth in the number of immigrants coming to the United States since changes were made in immigration laws in 1965.1 Today, the United States has a larger population than that of Kuwait, Qatar, and Libya combined.2 Until the events of September 11, 2001, few had paid attention to Muslims in the United States, and their cultural, religious, political, and national differences often have been overlooked. However, Muslims in the United States are quite diverse in terms of their cultural practices, political views, and national identities.3 Therefore, any simple categorization such as Muslim American is not only incomplete but also very misleading. Even among members of a single ethnic group such as Turkish Americans, there are important generational, ideological, political, and class differences.4 This article is partially based on my research conducted in 2002 on Turkish Americans living in the New York City metropolitan area. I interviewed 38 members of the Turkish community. Twenty-four of the interviewees were men and 14 were women. Eight of those interviewed were second, and 30 were first generation Turkish Americans.5 My discussion of generational identity is largely based upon the experiences of Turkish immigrants who came to the United States after World War II. Turkish Immigrants in the United Stat es The US Census Bureau reports that 117,619 people identified themselves as Turkish Americans in 2000. However, this is far below some estimates of the number of Turkish Americans living in the US. For instance, Mehmet Ezen, the Turkish Consul to the US, gives a figure of 350,000-500,000. Also, according to the US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), about 450,000 immigrants carrying Ottoman or Turkish passports have come to the United States since 1820. However, the vast majority of immigrants coming to the US towards the end of the Ottoman Empire were not ethnically Turkish. They included Armenians, Greeks, and other ethnic and religious groups who carried Ottoman passports. There are three identifiable waves of Turkish immigration to the United States. The first wave began in 1800, reached its peak in the early 1900s, and ended by the close of World War I.6 According to the INS, almost 300,000 immigrants carrying Ottoman passports came to the United States between 1820 and 1920.7 As indicated above, not all of these immigrants were ethnic Turks. Only 50,000 of those 300,000 immigrants were ethnic Turks.8 Halman notes that while some of the early Turkish immigrants returned to Turkey after World War I, those who stayed in the United States were assimilated into the larger culture. The second wave began in the early 1950s after a period of slow Turkish immigration to the United States since the end of World War I. However, Turkey's membership in NATO and the Truman Doctrine marked the beginning of a new partnership between Turkey and the United States. …