Abstract

This paper focuses on the great variety of φ-agreement patterns and case alternations quantified noun phrases trigger in Serbo-Croatian. Novel data from Serbo-Croatian are contributed, showing more agreement patterns than so far attested. Crucial for the analysis is an observation that draws a parallel between the agreement patterns of quantified noun phrases and conjoined noun phrases. We will show that the data can best be described by a strictly derivational agreement system based on rule ordering (Müller 2009; Murphy &Puškar 2018) and operating in narrow syntax. Existing case-based approaches (Pesetsky 1982; Franks 1994; Bošković 2003; 2006) and INDEX-CONCORD based feature systems (Wechsler & Zlatić 2000; 2003; Danon 2013) fail to account for agreement alternations in pre- and post-verbal position as well as in NP-topicalisation configurations.

Highlights

  • Different types of quantified noun phrases cross-linguistically trigger different types of subject-verb agreement – a phenomenon that has received much attention in previous work

  • We show that the rule-ordering system, developed for conjunct agreement by Murphy & Puškar (2018), can be faithfully extended to QNP agreement patterns, while being able to account for additional NP-topicalisation

  • 19 We do not discuss Bošković (2009; 2010), another relevant proposal for conjunct agreement alternations, since an extension to QNP agreement would predict preverbal Q-Agree and post-verbal default agreement to not be possible, contrary to what we find in Serbo-Croatian

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Summary

Introduction

Different types of quantified noun phrases cross-linguistically trigger different types of subject-verb agreement – a phenomenon that has received much attention in previous work. We contribute novel data from Serbo-Croatian, which show that in this South Slavic language agreement can alternate between agreement with the quantifier (: Q-Agree), agreement with the noun (: N-Agree), and default neuter singular agreement, across different types of quantifiers that assign genitive case to the embedded noun. This optionality arises when the quantified noun phrase (: QNP) is in the pre-verbal position, but post-verbally, only Q-Agree and default agreement are available.

Agreement can alternate
Paucal-triggering quantifiers
Uninflecting quantifiers
A: Jes-u li sv-i klijent-i kupil-i knjig-u?
Two sets of φ-features
Order of operations
Predictions and open questions
Conclusion and outlook
Full Text
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