Health, Education, and General Conscription: Chilean Social Policy and the Military in the Second Half of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century

Reviewed by: The Body Populace: Military Statistics and Demography in Europe before the First World War by Heinrich Hartmann Jon Røyne Kyllingstad Heinrich Hartmann. The Body Populace: Military Statistics and Demography in Europe before the First World War. Ellen Yutzy Glebe, trans. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2019. xxiv + 256 pp. Ill. $40.00 (978-0-262-53632-5). Heinrich Hartmann's book shows how military statistics arose as an autonomous, transnational scholarly field with its own methods, institutions, and research issues, before the First World War. It focuses on Switzerland, Germany, and France, and demonstrates that military statistics were important for the rise of demography as a scientific discipline. The book explores how the gathering of health data from military conscripts and assessment of their military fitness gave rise to a notion of a national "collective body" that could be measured and analyzed statistically, and how this fed into discourses about the quality and threatening "degeneration" of national populations. Hartmann situates his study at a meeting point of history of science and military history, focusing on the social impact of the military in an age of modernization, militarism, colonialism, and nationalism. It is written in an accessible language and based on a wide range of archival and published sources. Hartmann analyzes the military as a sphere for academic knowledge production. He explores how the military doctor's assessments of an individual's fitness for military service were interwoven with the development of statistics and demography as research fields. A very interesting aspect of the book is the detailed investigation of how basic statistical data were produced. Hartmann shows how the gathering and organization of data were affected by the examination situation and the measuring tools, as well as practical, political, economic and academic discussions, negotiations, and various attempts at establishing objective criteria [End Page 164] and standards at a national or international level. The study also shows how the shaping of these basic "objective" data affected the statistical analysis and interpretations of the data and was interwoven with various interrelated public, political, and bureaucratic debates and decision-making processes. Also highly interesting is Hartmann's account of transnational relationships. Military statistics, military strength, and national fitness are topics strongly imbued with national interest and national honor. While researchers were strongly involved in nationalistic discourses, however, they also collaborated, met at international conferences, negotiated about international standards, developed transnational networks, and exchanged data across national boundaries. Until the outbreak of WWI, when military statistics became military secrets and international scientific cooperation came to an abrupt end, such transnational connections were a basic precondition for the rise of demography and military statistics as scholarly fields. It was also important for enhancing the professional legitimacy of military doctors. By exploring the interconnections between discussions about military strength, national health, anthropometrics, and racial anthropology from the point of view of military statistics, Hartman adds a new perspective to the history of anthropology. Chapter 6 would however have gained a lot from a more systematic and thorough attempt at interpreting the primary sources in the light of the existing literature on the history of anthropology. Hartmann discusses the military doctor Otto Ammon and his struggle for academic recognition for himself and his racial determinist research at the meeting point of social science and (physical) anthropology in the 1880s and 1890s. Hartmann's discussion of Otto Ammon seems however, to be slightly disconnected from the existing literature and discussions about the development of German anthropology. A key topic in this literature since the 1990s has been to what extent and in what way German anthropology was transformed from a overwhelmingly liberal, anti-racist and humanitarian anthropology in the nineteenth century, to a racial determinist anthropology in the early twentieth century. Otto Ammon's (changing) relationship to the German anthropological community is an important topic in this discussion. The issue is for instance discussed by Benoit Mas-sin in his seminal work in the 1990s.1 Hartmann's analysis of Ammon's and his international collaborator's struggles for scientific acknowledgment might have gained more clarity and relevance if it had been more thoroughly related to the existing literature and ongoing discussion on the history of...

The purpose of the article is to describe the state institutions and public organizations promoting exports in the Russian Empire in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as well as to highlight the activities of similar structures on Ukrainian lands. Research methods: systemic, structural-functional, typological, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, statistical, analytical-synthetic. Main results. In the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the implementation of the export promotion measures was primarily among the tasks of the state bodies of trade and industry (agencies within the structure of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Railways, as well as consuls, government commercial agents, etc.), public representative associations were gradually involved in this process entrepreneurs (industry, territorial and all-imperial unions of the representatives of trade and industrial status), special binational chambers of commerce (Russian-English, Russian-Italian, Russian-French, etc.) are formed, as well as the Russian Export Chamber, as the final part of the system of protection of the export trade interests. Concise conclusions. The system of institutions and export promotion organizations in the Russian Empire, which emerged during the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, turned out to be very colorful and diverse: on the initiative of creation – the government, public, joint (public and governmental); according to its competence – diplomatic, specialized export, a wide range of trade and economic tasks. All of them became an integral part of the economic development of the country, had a significant influence (especially private associations of entrepreneurs) on the formation of the civil society on the basis of self-organization, enterprise, initiative and responsibility. Practical significance. The materials of the article can form the theoretical basis for developing effective mechanisms for the development of modern domestic exports, increasing the turnover of Ukraine in the world market at the expense of organized representation in the form of binary chambers of commerce and industry, the creation of special export structures and the reformation of existing export missions. Originality. On the basis of the sources of the government and social origin, a wide array of materials of periodicals of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries organization forms of export promotion in the Russian Empire were generalized and structured, their typology is presented; the peculiarities of institutional processes on the issues of export on Ukrainian lands were traced, their place in general imperial processes is determined, and the high degree of activity of representative organizations of entrepreneurs of Ukrainian lands is shown. Scientific novelty. The look at the organization of foreign trade from the point of view of the activities of state and public institutions is suggested, their development from official forms through the public to the joint public-governmental entities of export promotion is offered. Article type: explanation.

Modern agriculture, which underwent revolutionary progress to achieve its twentieth-century form, can be defined in a single phrase as “petroleumdependent agriculture”. Inexpensive fossil fuels are used to operate large machinery, which enables large-scale cultivation, mono-cropping, standardization and high-volume transport; and the synthesis of fertilizers and agricultural chemicals permits the improvement of soil fertility and simplified management of ecosystems. Until the nineteenth century, agriculturalists were basically forced to engage in stable sustainable agriculture that took maximum advantage of nature’s functions. But during the twentieth century, by taking full advantage of the energy sources provided by inexpensive fossil fuels, “using natural functions” gave way to “applying technology to transform nature”. This form of agriculture is referred to as the modern agricultural revolution because its basic technologies were established at the start of the twentieth century, permitting a great leap in production. The modern agricultural revolution is characterized by (1) the mechanization and increased scale of agriculture, with high-volume transport made possible by motorization using fossil fuels (petroleum) to power internal combustion engines; (2) the management of soil fertility and ecology using chemical fertilizers and agricultural chemicals; (3) the development of high-yield varieties; (4) advanced water management in some regions; and (5) remarkable increases in labour productivity as a result of the first four characteristics. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the basic technologies for motorization through the use of gasoline to power internal combustion engines were established. Also, Fritz Haber and Carl Bosch developed the technology to produce ammonia by fixing atmospheric nitrogen gas. The Haber–Bosch process is a method of producing ammonia using an iron oxide catalyst to trigger a reaction of nitrogen gas and hydrogen gas under supercritical conditions, 300–550°C and 15–25 MPa. Thanks to this process, it is now possible to manufacture the nitrogen fertilizers that play a crucial role in agriculture. In this way, the fundamental technologies for modern agriculture were almost entirely established in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. One more important factor in the development of petroleum-dependent agriculture was crop yield improvement technologies based on large-scale fertilization and the breeding of extremely highyielding varieties. These varieties included Norin 10 wheat and Yukara rice, which were bred by Japan in the 1950s and successfully contributed to heavier yields of tropical wheat and rice, an event called the Green Revolution.

Main trends of Turkish nationalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

Reconstructing the City, Constructing the State: Government in Valparaíso after the Earthquake of 1906

Descriptions of the geography education of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Sweden are typically offered to contrast with current ideas in geography education, and the content of geography textbooks is the focus of this comparison. The role of maps and visual pedagogy are ignored, and the educational ideas developed from regional geography are only regarded as old-fashioned encyclopaedia-like descriptions to be removed as the academic field of geography changed direction in the twentieth century. The objective of this paper is to describe the educational ideas of geography education during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Sweden, focusing on the relationship between maps and textbooks. The sources are texts from 1726 to 1969 that were written to instruct geography teachers. These texts demonstrate that educational ideas emphasised context and understanding in geography education, critiqued rote learning, and opposed the focus on texts over maps. The old discussion about avoiding encyclopaedia-like descriptions of regions in geography textbooks has continued to the present day Sweden, but is now described as a dichotomy between regional geography versus thematic or systematic studies in geography.

Ali Bey Huseyinzade (1864-1940) was one of the most significant Azerbaijani Turkish intellectuals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, formulating Azerbaijani national identity around its Turkish, Islamic and territorial dimensions. His solution to the ambiguities of the identity crisis among the Turkic-Muslim people of Azerbaijan was Turkification, Islamization and Europeanization for the Turkic and Muslim peoples of the Caucasus and Ottoman Turkey. Ali Bey Huseyinzade1 was an influential Azerbaijani Turkish intellectual who had a direct impact on Turkish nationalists in the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey. Huseyinzade’s formulation of the triple processes of Turkification, Islamization and Europeanization spread among the Azerbaijani and Ottoman Turkish intellectuals in their respective countries. This article aims to discuss the ideas of Ali Bey Huseyinzade, especially regarding nationality, religion and Westernism and their impact on intellectuals and policy makers in the Caucasus and Turkey. His physical odyssey from Tsarist Russia into the Ottoman Empire is indicative of his ideological proclivities and his subsequent influence on the Turkish-speaking peoples in the two major empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

ABSTRACTTraditionally Māori attributed disease to supernatural causes, including mākutu (sorcery) and, as with some other indigenous cultures, considered that killing sorcerers was both just and right. Belief in mākutu ran counter to the Church's desire to gain religious primacy, and mākutu-related murders challenged the State's claim to sovereignty, and its desire to ‘civilize’ Māori. Each indigenous society possesses unique characteristics, just as the nature of each settler society develops within its own environment. While some similarities with other colonized societies can be identified, distinctive local conditions influenced the relationship of Māori to the New Zealand colonial state, and thus attitudes and actions relating to sorcery-related crime. This article explores how mākutu brought Māori communities into conflict with both Church and State, and how the latter in particular was constrained by political realities. As the nineteenth century came to an end, the murders had largely ceased and the State and Church became more concerned with Māori spiritual healers. The article also shows that Māori reformers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries took a lead in changing Māori attitudes.

Several factors of a cultural and social nature may help explain the use of mosaics in public buildings in North America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The influence of the popular Beaux-Arts movement in architecture and the general revival of classical styles produced an appreciation for decoration and fine detail of the kind provided by mosaics. This collaborative art requires the technical skills of trained craftsmen able to adapt and execute the specifications of architects and the designs of artists, and thus mosaics are feasible only when such artisans are available. This was the case during the period in question. Workers from the Friuli region of northeastern Italy skilled in the techniques of mosaic and terrazzo had migrated all over Europe in the nineteenth century, producing masterpieces like the mosaics in the Opera in Paris. Later in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries they emigrated to North America, first to the United States and then to Canada.1 Although the literature on mosaics in North America discusses the architects and artists responsible for the works, for example those of 1897 adorning the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., very little is known about the craftsmen.2 The Canadian novelist Michael Ondaatje is not alone in commenting ironically that workers responsible for the landmarks of Canadian cities are generally forgotten.3 For one monument, however, namely a major cultural institution in Canada dating from the 1930s, the role of the mosaic craftsmen can be determined. Photographs preserved by their families, documents found in the archives, articles published in old newspapers, together with the oral testimonies of relatives and acquaintances, make it possible to reconstruct the untold story of the craftsmen's contribution.

The Inculcative Power of Australian Cadet Corps Uniforms in the 1900s and 1910s

The purpose of the article is to define the stages of the study of historiography of the problem of the bourgeoisie formation in the Dnieper region of Ukraine of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Research methods: general historical methods (historical-comparative, historical-typological, historical-systematic) and special-historical (periodization, chronological, problem-chronological). Classification, historical-biographical methods and network analysis method are used. Main results: The article highlights three periods of historiography of the study of the problem of the bourgeoisie formation in the Dnieper region of Ukraine in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century: pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern. Concise conclusions: at the first stage of the research the studies were pragmatic, they were not complex historical works. The authors focused on the process of monopolization of industry and the role of foreign capital in the development of the region. They were specialists well-informed in their business, therefore, in their works, we can find valuable information about the economic situation, statistical data, coverage of the work of the congresses of the southern mining industry. During the second period, Ukrainian and Russian scientists worked a lot and fruitfully, exploring the problems of economic and industrial development of the Dnieper region of Ukraine. The works of the scientists became not narrowly pragmatic and more scientifically substantiated and more fundamental. However, these works were ideologized by the Marxist-Leninist methodology. During the third stage of the study of the problem in independent Ukraine, opportunities for conducting complex and systematic studies have improved. Practical significance: The research is recommended for use in teaching history of Ukraine of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Originality: the generalization of the experience of historiography research of the problem of the bourgeoisie development is used. Scientific novelty: for the first time the method of network analysis is proposed. It allows to determine the role and place of the individual representatives of the bourgeoisie of the Dnieper region in the Ukrainian intellectual community. Article type: overview description.

The essay is devoted to the intelligence assessment of planning for war against Great Britain in Central Asia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The systematic preparation for war against Great Britain began during the Pandjeh Incident of 1885 and continued until 1914. Russian war planning foresaw offensive operations against the British Indian Army in Central Asia. The development of the “Invasion of India” plan became a high-priority objective for the Russian General Staff during the lowest point of relations with Great Britain. After 1905, the development of this plan was abandoned. Study of the British Indian Army and possible enemy war plans in Central Asia by Russian military intelligence played an important role in the war planning. The Russian General Staff's preparation for a war against Afghanistan and British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was carried out with a lack of information about the region and enemies. After the Russo-Japanese war, the War Ministry began paying more attention to the conduct of intelligence activities and the scientific analysis of information about the region. Since 1904, Russian military intelligence had observed the development of a large-scale reform of the British Indian Army, initiated by General H. Kitchener. The Russian General Staff came to the wrong conclusions about the threat to Turkestan. Therefore, exaggerated estimates of the military readiness and plans of Great Britain influenced Russian strategic planning and brought about the cancellation of the “Invasion of India” plan in 1905-1910.

The article focuses on the civil-military relations in Republican Italy. The new democratic model of relations between the political authorities and the military had a strong continuity in the past. Also, in the new Republic the Armed Forces enjoyed a large degree of autonomy. Different phases can be identified in the history of Italian defence policy. In the reconstruction phase (1945-48), the General Staff decided to have again a big Army, based more on quantity than quality. The membership of NATO and the hardest period of the Cold War (1949-53) greatly accelerated the transformation of Italian Armed Forces. Some scepticism against limitations that NATO posed to national autonomy were overcome by the consciousness that the Alliance provided conspicuous means and allowed to abolish the military limitations of the 1947 Peace Treaty. In the years 1954-62, the Armed Forces had to scale down previous expectations, but at the same time, modernized quickly thanks to US aid. The Army was the first beneficiary, then the Air Force and finally (in 1958) the Navy. This was for two reasons: the Navy was the service in best conditions at the end of the war, while Soviet threat in the Mediterranean was at a low level. However, the Army still relied mainly on numbers, with a low number of armoured and motorized units. In these years, Italy also inaugurated its nuclear military policy. From the mid 1960s to the mid 1970s, the Armed Forces started a “ristrutturazione” (“restructuration”) required by the new NATO strategy of flexible response, which accelerated in the years 1975-78. The end of the Cold War imposed more drastic changes. In 1997, the organization and the powers of the General Staff (inter-services) were strengthened, in 2000, women were admitted in the Armed Forces, and in 2005, conscription was totally abolished. The Armed Forces were greatly reduced in numbers, and were deployed in many long distance operations. The impression however is that the Armed Forces, due to a poor budget, suffer from overstretching and are faced with difficulties in addressing the tasks they are assigned.

The mere mention of nineteenth and early twentieth-century “Jewish Vienna” conjures up images of assimilated Jewish men such as Sigmund Freud and Arthur Schnitzler, who made tremendous contributions to the cultural life of Vienna while disseminating provocative and radical concepts of gender and sexuality. Yet, in addition to this burgeoning Jewish cultural avant garde , there was another flourishing “Jewish Vienna” in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, comprising ordinary men and women, rabbis, teachers and lay leaders, who together established a vibrant Jewish community and focused their energy on sustaining the many Viennese religious and cultural institutions that would remain active through the turn of the twentieth century. This article aims to uncover a portion of this lesser-known Jewish Vienna: the Viennese Orthodox Jewish community, which, already in the early and mid-nineteenth century, was helping shape the religious and cultural values of the Jewish community at large. In particular, I focus on the construction of gender in two unusual responsa by Rabbi Eleazar Horowitz, the primary nineteenth-century Viennese halakhic authority, as a lens through which to view the nineteenth-century Orthodox perspective on what would become, by the turn of the century, a widely contested and radical set of beliefs about what it meant to be male and female.

IN MARCH 1875, A CHICAGO TRIBUNE CORRESPONDENT reported that a miners’ strike in Brazil, Indiana, continued with conditions worsening and the “breach between labor and capital widen[ing].” The year-long labor dispute found the striking miners “dogged and sullen” and was taking a dreadful toll on the men and their families. Many of the town's merchants initially supported the strike, but they increasingly feared violence would ensue as the striking miners became more vigilant and defiant. One merchant stated that he had witnessed other strikes, but none of them had “men so determined not to yield,” and he believed it would be necessary to bring in the military to prevent an outbreak of violence. The Tribune correspondent predicted that a “revolution in labor” was imminent because the desperate mine operators were willing to hire Black workers to take the place of the striking miners. The mine operators were “confident that, if negro labor [was] adopted unanimously, it [would] completely and effectively crush strikes, which [had] become so frequent and arrogant of late as to make any dependence on white labor impracticable.” African American workers, according to the correspondent, were more dependable than white laborers, and they would not become “turbulent at trifles, and for many other reasons that are apparent.” As a result, some midwestern mine operators had already arranged to fill their mines with Black workers, and “others will follow suit.”1The newspaper correspondent's prediction about a “revolution in labor” was accurate—during the height of labor unrest in the late 1870s, Northern industrialists sought measures to undercut the burgeoning labor movement by importing African American workers from the South into their predominantly European American worksites. Industrialists were encouraged by two overarching factors: first, Black workers from the South traditionally earned lower wages than their Northern counterparts and would therefore cost less; and more importantly, due to racist exclusionary measures, as well as the relatively small African American population in the North, semi-skilled and skilled worksites were dominated by European American workers. Industrialists correctly assumed that the racism of their workers would cause an exceedingly vitriolic reaction to the idea of Black workers replacing them. In addition to the typical labor conflict issues, racialized violence would invariably ensue. Industrialists then found justification to utilize draconian measures on the strikers—enforced by local militia or police—to ensure that the replacement workers would be allowed to work in relative safety, and to ensure that industrialists continued to make profits.2This racial dynamic became increasingly prevalent throughout the Midwest as rapid industrialization and massive population growth created whole new categories of workers. European American workers braced themselves for the possibility of a chaotic economic transformation by frantically jockeying for occupational viability within the racial hierarchy. In the environment of an increasingly racialized labor movement, Black and other non-white workers, with few exceptions, were forced to the bottom of the economic ladder.Among midwestern states, Illinois was particularly distinct due, in part, to the massive growth of Chicago as a central industrial hub for the region. In comparison to adjacent midwestern states, Illinois was also unique because of its relatively small African American population. By 1890, the African American population in Illinois was only 57,028 (1.5 percent of the state population); in 1900, 85,078 (1.8 percent of the state population). The dearth of a substantial Black population, coupled with a significant rise in anti-Black sentiment throughout the state, helped to create the perception that African American workers were unable to perform technologically advanced labor. Thus, Black Illinoisans of the late nineteenth century were often forced out or excluded from more desirable occupations and, subsequently, forced to the periphery of the labor movement.This article explores the labor activism of Black Illinoisans during the tumultuous late nineteenth century in the context of this relatively new phenomenon—that is, the racialization of labor. Of course, historians generally acknowledge this period as the Second Industrial Revolution in the United States. Yet for African Americans, the period also signified a time in which their racial “character” was under severe scrutiny—not only in labor, but also in virtually every aspect of Black American life. Notions of white racial superiority invariably circumscribed Black people as inferior outsiders—undeserving of a place within mainstream American life. Thus, to most European Americans, it made perfect sense within the twisted logical framework of white supremacy to categorize labor based upon race.In the context of heightened anti-Black sentiment, Black Illinoisans were faced with a difficult decision: should they remain with the larger labor movement that increasingly viewed them as “inferior” workers? While the European American working class famously fought for labor issues such as unionization, safer working conditions, and the eight-hour workday, Black Illinoisans during the nineteenth century also supported these issues. Yet Black workers were forced into a hybrid labor activism—an activism where they fought for their rights not only as workers but also as workers who were gradually excluded from higher-skilled occupations based upon their race. In addition to the racialized occupational environment, Black workers were also forced into a battle for their civil rights during the late nineteenth century as they fought against the inimical rise in white supremacy throughout the United States.The concept of racializing labor was not entirely novel to Northern industries. As historian Jacqueline Jones explained, white Northerners had always expressed their apprehension over emancipating Black people from slavery in moralistic terms. As early as the eighteenth century, they claimed that free Black laborers had shown a lack of restraint in public—displaying “racial” behavior that European American city dwellers found galling. Various groups of African American workers came under attack by the early nineteenth century for advertising for services in a supposedly unseemly fashion. For European American workers, their goal was to maintain their advantageous position in the workplace, and any other socio-political aspect in which there was the perception of losing ground within the racial hierarchy. Thus, European American workers developed new forms of self-definition that would establish a sharper distinction between “white” and “Black” labor.3One of the earliest and staunchest proponents for disrupting the burgeoning labor movement through racialization was co-owner of the Chicago, Wilmington, and Vermillion Coal Company (CW&V) Alanson Sweet. He quickly developed a reputation for slashing wages and firing workers when he forced workers at the Michigan Central Railroad Company to take a pay cut during a dispute in 1862. Workers that protested were fired and replaced with African American workers from the South.4 Sweet believed that the reaction of his predominantly white workforce would be intensified with the importation of an all-Black strikebreaking unit that would likely lead to violence. When violence inevitably ensued, Sweet and his co-owners were then able to utilize state-sponsored protection to ensure the protection of both his imported workers and his property.5As a co-owner of the CW&V in Braidwood, Illinois, during an economic depression, once again, Sweet reduced workers’ wages. Predictably, the unionized miners refused any pay cuts and went on strike. After some convincing, the CW&V co-owners acquiesced to Sweet's ideas on importing African American men to disrupt the conflict. “With the mines filled with colored men,” he assured his fellow owners and stockholders, “it is believed that the Company will not be burdened with the expense of another strike for many years.”6 The CW&V co-owners may have been willing to agree to Sweet's concept due to their past failures. In an 1874 labor dispute with their workers, both recently arriving European immigrants and white workers were recruited as strikebreakers. Instead of being a disruptive force, the replacement miners met with the striking Braidwood miners, became informed of the ongoing labor dispute, and were subsequently convinced to leave. Significantly, the workers left relatively peaceably within days of their arrival.7The nation was in the throes of a massive railroad strike starting in July 1877. Wage cuts, and generally poor conditions and treatment touched off a nationwide strike that shut down most of the nation's railroads. The Chicago Times observed that the arrival of African American workers, combined with the news of the national railroad strike created an “anxious mood” among the Braidwood miners, and “it would take but very little to cause an outbreak in this place.” When the African American workers arrived in Braidwood, there were no friendly meetings. Instead, the striking Braidwood miners gave them an ultimatum: leave town “peaceably or forcibly.” Fearing trouble, some of the miners left town.8 However, when Sweet and the CW&V ownership alerted Illinois governor Shelby Cullom of the intimidation tactics, the state militia was brought in to restore the Black miners to their jobs. The next day, 1,250 Illinois state militia were called into Braidwood to quell the conflict, and if the strikers resisted, “the troops [would] make short work of them.” The CW&V owners understood that an escalation in violence could possibly lead to such measures—and these measures would ensure that the African American workers would be protected and allowed to work in the mines.9Convinced that order could be maintained, and the African American miners would be allowed to remain in the mine shafts, the state militia left Braidwood several weeks later. Although relative peace did prevail after the departure of the state militia, the strike continued another four months. The Braidwood strike of 1877 was the longest strike in United States’ history (to that date) and took an enormous toll on the lives of the strikers and their families. With winter approaching in November 1877, the weary miners finally gave in and ended the strike. The owner's desire to destroy the miners’ union was successful, and the company refused to hire the union leaders as well. Feeling victimized by the CW&V owners, many miners complained bitterly about working alongside the African American strikebreakers who they believed had done “all they possibly could to assist capital to crush labor.”10 For the CW&V owners, the reaction of the Braidwood miners to the importation of African Americans into the mines was the crucial element in their victory. If white and immigrant miners did not react violently, the owners would not have brought in the state militia to see that their mines and their replacement workers were protected.Race relations remained strained in the Braidwood mines during the immediate years after the strike. Nevertheless, African American miners remained in Braidwood and continued to work in the mines. At least half of the seven hundred miners in Braidwood were African American; by 1880, there were 703 Black men and their families living in the surrounding area (compared to 242 in 1870). Institutions such as the Colored Odd Fellows lodge and the First Baptist Church were established in 1878 to support the town's African American community. Reverend T. C. Fleming, who was one of the strikebreakers during the 1877 strike, was the pastor of the church.11 Despite establishing themselves as viable workers in the mines, and decent citizens in Braidwood, the small African American population continued to experience difficulties in town and the workplace.While the African American miners at Braidwood established a reputation for being viable workers and willing union men, their white counterparts insisted on following national racist trends in the workplace. Moses Gordon, an African American miner among those imported from Virginia, observed: “[African Americans] could no more get work here until the year 1877 than they could fly. . . . [I]t was the miners themselves who would come out on strike before they would allow the negro to earn his daily bread.” White workers increasingly drew the color line in the workplace and the major labor unions in the late nineteenth century. Significantly, Gordon also noted that CW&V owners fired African American workers that joined unions. Thus, the racialization of labor worked as a two-pronged attack against Black workers during the industrial era: As discriminatory policies against non-white citizens in the United States became the norm, and therefore accepted by the dominant racial group, employers increasingly utilized African Americans as strikebreakers in order to disrupt unionization. African American workers were either shunned from major labor unions by white union members who refused to allow them to join, or, as in the case in Braidwood, African American workers were threatened with termination. On the other hand, white workers—embracing the full social Darwinism of the late nineteenth century—and thus, completely accepting their collective place at the top of the racial hierarchy in American society—readily rejected African American workers from the most desirable occupations. As white workers wielded more bargaining power in the last decade of the nineteenth century, they insisted on the racialization of both the workplace and their labor unions. Gordon remarked on how this racist process in Braidwood would affect the working class: “Every nationality on the face of the globe can come here and go to work wherever there is work to be had, except for the colored man, and in nine cases out of ten the miners are to blame for it. A house divided against itself cannot stand. If the laboring class fights capital for their rights, they have enough to do without fighting against six millions [sic] of people that have got to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow.”12Strikebreaking served as an occupational and economic weapon against the racialization of labor for men like Moses Gordon. As labor historian Eric Arnesen explained, strikebreaking was a viable form of working-class activism for African Americans as they sought to strengthen their economic position during the labor upheaval of post-Reconstruction America. The most important coal mining towns in Illinois followed the practice of racial exclusion. Strikebreaking not only allowed African American workers to gain entry into desirable industrial positions, but it also represented chances for low paid Southern African Americans to earn higher wages. Their decisions to become strikebreakers were often informed choices, rationalized by a complex and changing worldview that balanced their experiences as industrial workers, farmers, and African Americans. Indeed, these Black men were neither willing tools nor ignorant serfs—rather, they were poor and ambitious men who were often recruited by coal company agents, sometimes under false pretenses. During the nineteenth century, African Americans were never the only workers used as strikebreakers in Illinois or any other Northern state. Moreover, they were never the most used strikebreakers during the height of labor turbulence of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, African Americans were usually the most visible strikebreakers because of American racism, and therefore, they were almost always the easiest targets for white working-class rage during the tumultuous labor disputes of this era.13As the Chicago Tribune correspondent predicted, other industrialists throughout the region adopted racialization as a weapon to squelch unionization among the working class. For example, in 1880, approximately one hundred African Americans were hired to replace striking coal miners in Rapids City, near Rock Island, Illinois. Tragedy struck immediately—one of the African American strikebreakers was shot and killed by a striking miner. That same year in Springfield, Illinois, mine owners resisted demands made by union officials and proceeded to import African American miners from Richmond, Virginia. The predominantly European American workforce was ordered to remove their tools from the mines and evacuate company houses. If any violence ensued, the mine operators, their property, and the African American workers, were all protected by local police officials. These drastic actions led to the demise of the union.14 In the summer of 1886, a strike for higher wages occurred in Vermillion County at Grape Creek. In this case, there was a small African American presence in the mines—yet they refused to strike with their European American coworkers. The African American miners belonged to the biracial Knights of Labor (KOL) union and refused to participate because it was “a white man's fight.” The Grape Creek operators brought in African American men from Tennessee and Kentucky under police protection. The conflict dragged out and defeated the strikers, as the mine operators brought in five to fifteen new African American workers each day.15 This pattern of racialization continued throughout Illinois during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. According to data compiled by economic historian Warren Whatley, Illinois industrialists utilized Black strikebreakers more than any state during this period. However, while Black strikebreaking increased substantially during this period—especially in high-profile conflicts—they remained a relatively small percentage of the nation's strikebreaking force.16While Northern industrialists continued to recruit Black workers from the South during the late nineteenth century, they virtually ignored Northern Black workers. This omission was particularly glaring in Illinois and other midwestern states due to the dearth of African Americans living in the region. Approximately 90 percent of the African American population remained in the South, and it was simply easier to find and recruit Black labor in the South. Another more compelling reason had to do with the collective attitudes of African Americans living in the North. While Southern Black workers were cajoled relatively easily due to precarious economic condition or general lack of knowledge of a particular labor conflict in the North, Northern African Americans simply had more exposure to Northern labor strife. Although the Black population of Illinois was quite small, they gained a reputation as ferocious labor agitators during the late nineteenth century. Like their European American working-class counterparts, they also battled for workers’ rights. To be sure, African American workers in Illinois were occasionally used as strikebreakers during the late nineteenth century—there would be a collective shift in their attitude toward the labor movement by the turn of the twentieth century as white working-class racism became more pronounced. Yet prior to the full implementation of white supremacist ideas about allegedly inferior and superior workers based upon race, Black Illinoisans were not only a part of the labor movement, in some cases they were at the vanguard of the movement.During the summer of 1877, while the Braidwood mine operators were importing African American workers into their labor fracas, more than 150 Black longshoremen from Illinois disputed recent wage cuts against the Mississippi Valley Transportation Company (MVTC). Like their Braidwood counterparts, they too were inspired by the “Great Railroad Strike” and organized their own all-Black union. In solidarity with the national movement, the workers arranged a general strike against all Illinois, employers due to the recent wage When the owners were of the strike, they hired strikebreakers. The next the striking longshoremen on the and their and that they leave the When they refused to the longshoremen them by a of in their The longshoremen then after the to ensure that none of the strikebreakers would only a few but it created quite a throughout The observed that the longshoremen may well have been within their rights to strike for higher but they no to prevent from working who willing . . . to work for the The noted that by the strikebreakers off the the Black longshoremen were a for which they be a significant in how the African American workers were in When African American workers for their rights, they were often as or workers. In Black labor activism was often viewed as chaotic and While strikebreaking was generally in white working-class when Black workers fought to their economic the they should be a that [would] last them for all time to the Braidwood which and supported striking miners during their African American workers were viewed with throughout and as workers throughout Illinois sought the same measures in unionization as other workers prior to the full of racialization in labor. As early as 1877, the Knights of Labor (KOL) established as many as seven in Illinois that African American men and into their For many Black workers, the was more than a labor the of leaders and as a than any other union in their the were able to the for African American After the national railroad strike in 1877, labor leaders recruited Black workers to the to racist to workers. goal of the labor leaders was also to the of Black workers during an 1878 African Americans the supported the and the city and with the white Chicago continued to into one of the nation's industrial the of the city was for African Americans. The battle for skilled labor in a environment, was often a losing for African American for from the South. African American men often to racist racist white and workers with the of racist to Black men out of viable As a result, Black workers in Chicago were left with occupational and often found themselves to with national of the racialization of labor was in Chicago by the last of the nineteenth century. By 1890, African Americans were as the to be laborers, workers, or to the During that decade they represented only percent of the population percent of all in the occupational for Black of or no higher than railroad or were also tools for the of such as or who were who or the of and dwellers more and the to their To ideas of racial and economic the their to an One noted that African American men of slavery . . . and became a of to the of the African American men, as a Chicago were the they are by and to were not always to ideas of racial if it in wages. A could a sense of and the of the of the South, which could lead to a was a relatively novel idea in the nineteenth Yet any that these men would allow these to into their in labor issues of the would be an Black in were the of hybrid labor activism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Black over pay In 1875, they out of throughout the during and in some of At the out because their new to He informed the all-Black that they would be to at the an before their and they would no be allowed to left over by practice that allowed workers to their out in during the and workers of all and were toward labor unionization in the Yet European American workers to follow nationwide discriminatory in labor unions by Black workers from union Black often with their own of labor activism that all-Black unions or biracial unions. For example, after the of the five Black from the in Chicago, were to their of the that were to citizens of every and and were informed that it was against the to of their in the The the men a in the where the and their while on The by the left for another where they were and served without in Chicago were to find a labor union that would their in fighting for their labor and civil rights. The them with the of unionization that they In 1886, created the Colored local and more than four hundred Black and during a The Chicago Times the the Knights had on the Black the union the colored and gave the with This represented the entry of African Americans into organized labor in Chicago and was followed within two years by a Black the which organized after from the of the Black in Chicago little time in their reputation as labor In two hundred African American joined nine hundred white in of the of and in wages. The biracial an of substantial for The owners to a through the workers by importing African American replacement workers to replace the white The between the workers was and the Black were enough to the strikebreakers to A year during another Black labor conditions, and they also the to become more about their rights and the labor was not one African American predicted, by would for their working-class men and in Illinois for more biracial union during the late nineteenth century. an African American of the that more Black workers to the union to themselves as a within the labor than a within the the for laboring men and was an of wages. have been