Abstract

“Velvet divorce” between the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993 led to the establishment of two independent states. Unlike the Czech Republic, which until the formation of Czechoslovakia in 1918 had a history of independence and regarded the state that emerged after the WWI as an extension of its statehood, Slovakia viewed itself differently. It believed that there was no historical continuity between Czechoslovakia and the modern Slovak state, that coexistence of Czechs and Slovaks in a single state was forced and Slovaks’ rights were oppressed for more than 70 years. The politics of memory helped support such ideas in an atmosphere of growing nationalist sentiments. This led to the restoration of memories not only of historical figures who actively fought for the national rights of Slovaks but also of those who collaborated with criminal political regimes and violated basic human rights and freedoms. It was particularly popular in the early period of independence. Along the integration into Western Europe there was a departure from the nationalist discourse in Slovakia, although its rejection was never complete. It resurfaced during the so-called “memorial boom” (2015 - 2020). To understand the specifics of politics of memory in Slovakia it has to be compared with that of Czech. The key differences are in the new ideology chosen by national elites. For the Czech Republic, anti-communism became a basis, while in Slovakia there was no complete denial of the communist past. In many respects, this affected the perception of the USSR and Russia as its successor.

Highlights

  • Unlike the Czech Republic, which until the formation of Czechoslovakia in 1918 had a history of independence and regarded the state that emerged after the WWI as an extension of its statehood, Slovakia viewed itself differently

  • It believed that there was no historical continuity between Czechoslovakia and the modern Slovak state, that coexistence of Czechs and Slovaks in a single state was forced and Slovaks’ rights were oppressed for more than 70 years

  • The politics of memory helped support such ideas in an atmosphere of growing nationalist sentiments. This led to the restoration of memories of historical figures who actively fought for the national rights of Slovaks and of those who collaborated with criminal political regimes and violated basic human rights and freedoms

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Summary

Институт Европы РАН

«Бархатный развод», произошедший между Чехией и Словакией в 1993 г., привёл к появлению двух независимых государств. В условиях недостатка у Словакии богатого на исторические события, громкие имена и устоявшиеся политические традиции прошлого, конструкторы словацкой государственности использовали, с одной стороны, наиболее актуальные события (отказ от коммунизма и обретение самостоятельности), с другой – те страницы истории, которые в предшествующее время были недоступны ввиду идеологических барьеров Что это было связано с традицией чествования героев СНВ, многие участники которого были членами партии и не могли соответственно быть «преступниками». Можно говорить о консервации в Словакии коммунистического наследия и его смешении с новыми тенденциями, которые пришли в страну после «бархатной революции». Несмотря на активную деятельность Института, который выпускает в свет значительное количество научной и научно-популярной литературы, важно отметить, что после 2006 г., когда к власти пришла партия «Смер – Социальная демократия», негативная риторика в отношении коммунистического этапа развития Словакии заметно ослабла. В этой связи неудивительно, что с 2007 г. парламент страны не принял ни одного закона, осуждающего коммунизм и его приверженцев

Обращение к историческим персоналиям для обоснования политических требований
Преемственность словацкого государства с Чехословакией
Случай Чехии
Formation of National Identity in Slovakia
Список литературы на чешском и словацком языках
Full Text
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