Abstract

We provide an account of the synchronic variation between the use of the Simple Present marker [Verb-a] and the Present Progressive marker [estar + Verb-ndo] in the expression of the habitual reading in Modern Spanish. Results from an acceptability judgment task in three distinct dialectal varieties (Rioplatense Spanish, Iberian Spanish, and Mexican Altiplano Spanish) show: (a) the presence of variation across dialects, (b) that this variation is constrained by a grammaticalization path, the Progressive-to-Imperfective shift, and (c) that a generalization process is already underway in all three different dialects but at different degrees of progress: more conservative in the Rioplatense and Iberian varieties, and less so in the Mexican Altiplano one. Specifically, our results show that whereas the Simple Present is the preferred form to express the habitual reading, the Present Progressive marker is already available to convey this reading in the three dialectal varieties. However, in Rioplatense Spanish and Iberian Spanish, this use is restricted to contexts that independently satisfy the presuppositional content of estar –the auxiliary in the Present Progressive periphrasis [estar + Verb-ndo]–, which requires the existence of alternative situations at which the prejacent does not hold. This restriction appears to be eroding in Mexican Altiplano Spanish, which is manifested as a loss in the context-dependence of the Present Progressive marker.

Highlights

  • It has been observed across languages and language families that some changes in the associations between specific functional meanings and their corresponding linguistic markers are not random, but follow clear patterns

  • Results showed that the Present Progressive marker is the preferred form across the three different dialectal varieties of Spanish to convey the event-in-progress reading, and that the degree of preference for this marker does not vary with context

  • This last result is consistent with an interpretation whereby the Mexican Altiplano variety is closer to a strict categoricalization stage; the stage where the expression of the event-in-progress reading becomes restricted to the use of the Present Progressive marker

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Summary

Introduction

It has been observed across languages and language families that some changes in the associations between specific functional meanings and their corresponding linguistic markers are not random, but follow clear patterns. These patterns manifest and repeat in a cyclic fashion and are known as unidirectional grammaticalization paths: diachronic shifts that are understood to constrain, at least partially, language variation and its potential for change (Lehmann 1985, Traugott & Heine 1991, Bybee et al 1994, Haspelmath 1999, i.a.). Modern Spanish, for example, currently presents two markers –the old Simple Present marker (Verb-a) and the newer Present Progressive marker (estar + Verb-ndo)–, both able to convey event-in-progress and habitual readings, as can be seen in (1) and (2) respectively:

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