Editorial

Reviewed by: Culture and Democracy: Media, Space, and Representation Danielle Vinson Culture and Democracy: Media, Space, and Representation. By Clive Barnett. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003; pp vii + 225. $29.95. Rejecting as overly simplified arguments that mass media and popular culture have undermined democracy, Clive Barnett focuses on patterns of mediation to examine the relationship between culture and democracy, emphasizing the links among media, public space, and representation. The first half of the book provides a theoretical discussion of these themes. Barnett begins with an exploration of the idea of the public that posits the necessity of mediation for the expression (or formation) of the public. Furthermore, he suggests that it is through channels of mediation that accountable representation is made possible because they "serve as the means of recording and recalling the promises and claims of representatives, enabling the later assessment of intentions and consequences" (29). Addressing the development of new communications technologies, Barnett takes issue with those who expect new media technologies to replace representation, but he acknowledges that the new media may redefine our understanding of public spaces not only because of their contributions to globalization but also their ability to extend public debate into formerly private spheres such as the home. In his analysis, Barnett conceptualizes the public sphere as networks of communication. He links the health of the public arena to "structures of media organization, ownership and use" but also notes the importance of having diverse means of association (79). Those who prefer an expansive definition of what is political will appreciate that his notion of the public sphere [End Page 507] makes room for the contribution of popular media culture to public debate to the extent that it raises issues and identities that are absent from the more traditional aspects of the public sphere (79). The second part of the book applies the themes established in the theoretical discussion to an examination of media policies and their implications for citizenship and democracy in three contemporary settings. The first case examines how various aspects of the U.S. Constitution have been employed to deal with regulation of new communications technologies. Barnett observes that First Amendment law has shifted from an interest in ensuring equal access to public media to a concern for property rights that has found more communications to be private and thus not subject to regulation. In the second example, Barnett looks at the evolution and purposes of media policies in the transnational democratic setting of the European Union and their coincidence with changes in participation. And finally, he turns to the role of the media in the development of public culture and political power in the new democracy of South Africa. Using two examples, Barnett illustrates how the media have been a source of power for groups and how educational media have been used explicitly to raise cultural awareness in a society where broadcast media had traditionally been designed to keep various groups separate. Grounded in several schools of philosophical thought, Barnett's focus on theoretical explanations of media policies and their implications for democracy and citizenship is a useful departure from some existing research that tends toward the empirical and practical without much concern for theoretical foundation. His heavy reliance on and critique of Habermas, Foucault, and Derrida in the first half of the book will challenge those who are not fluent (or at least conversant) in poststructuralist, deconstructionist, and postmodernist thinking. However, one of the strengths of the book is the author's emphasis on the areas of agreement among these philosophers rather than their differences, particularly their common focus on how power is exercised and on the role of culture and media in the process of democracy. There is room to build on Barnett's discussion through empirical analysis to test his explanations. While his evaluation of the three contemporary cases seems quite plausible, his theoretical rationale was necessarily imposed after the policies had been implemented, and that makes them subject to charges that they are post hoc. Particularly, one might question whether there are other circumstances that caused the changes in media policies that the book does not explore. A more systematic empirical analysis might clarify...

The emergence and evolution of the internet have reshaped the landscape of political communication and discourse, transforming it into a public sphere that transcends geographical boundaries and traditional hierarchies. This paper explores the role of the Internet as a platform for political engagement, communication, and mobilization. Reviewing different theories of the public sphere and empirical studies, it examines how digital technologies have democratized access to information, enabled diverse voices to participate in political discussions, and facilitated collective action. The internet's potential as a public political sphere is accompanied by challenges and controversies. Issues such as echo chambers, filter bubbles, and the spread of disinformation raise concerns about the quality and inclusivity of online political discussions. Moreover, the concentration of power among a few tech giants poses risks to democratic governance and freedom of expression. Despite these challenges, the Internet also presents opportunities for enhancing democratic practices and civic engagement. Platforms for citizen journalism, online petitions, and social media activism empower individuals to hold governments and institutions accountable. Moreover, digital tools enable marginalized groups to amplify their voices and advocate for social justice causes. If people can freely connect to the Internet without corporate, economic, and governmental restrictions, then the Internet can function as an open and democratic public sphere. This paper concludes by discussing future directions for research and policy interventions aimed at strengthening the Internet's role as a vibrant and inclusive public political sphere. This paper concludes by discussing future directions for research and policy interventions aimed at strengthening the Internet's role as a vibrant and inclusive public political sphere.

Review: <i>Demanding Images: Democracy, Mediation, and the Image-Event in Indonesia</i>, by Karen Strassler

In today’s day and age, the social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter have converted a rather conventionally one way ‘political communication’ process into an effective and influential two-way communication process. This two-way communication process has an impact on the political communication phenomenon all around the world. Bearing in mind this aspect the researcher has attempted to explore how and to what extent the ‘public discourse’ matched or differed from the ‘political discourse’ regarding the political ‘regime change’ in Pakistan that took place in the first half of the April 2022. Employing the ‘Framing’ as theoretical basis the researcher has attempted to determine how the ‘regime change’ was framed in the political and public discourse. The researcher has employed thematic analysis as methodological tool in this study to identify, analyze and interpret the meanings within the political and public discourse in the backdrop of the ‘regime change’ appeared in the Facebook pages of the top three political parties in Pakistan i.e. Pakistan Tehreek-E-Insaaf (PTI), Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

&lt;p&gt;[Introduction]: The historical canon of poetry is predominantly male. The historical domain of policy making and politics is predominantly male. In the digital age, however, where the means to share or publish one’s thoughts and views is available to almost anyone, the strict gatekeeping of literature and political discourse is no longer upheld. The phenomenon of instapoetry, poetry published to Instagram, is an example of a social media platform being used by women to bring poetry into popular culture, and, by that means, address political issues surrounding womanhood. By addressing issues of female oppression, sexual assault, and race through poetry, female instapoets wield political power by raising awareness about these issues and influencing and mobilizing their young and female demographic to instigate social change. Rupi Kaur, a famous Canadian-Indian instapoet with 4 million Instagram followers, is an exemplar of the intersection of poetry, social media, and politics. Kaur’s female-centred content reaches millions of people and speaks to healing by way of self-help. Through her words and illustrations, readers are encouraged to think about the politics of being a woman today.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p&gt;[Introduction]: The historical canon of poetry is predominantly male. The historical domain of policy making and politics is predominantly male. In the digital age, however, where the means to share or publish one’s thoughts and views is available to almost anyone, the strict gatekeeping of literature and political discourse is no longer upheld. The phenomenon of instapoetry, poetry published to Instagram, is an example of a social media platform being used by women to bring poetry into popular culture, and, by that means, address political issues surrounding womanhood. By addressing issues of female oppression, sexual assault, and race through poetry, female instapoets wield political power by raising awareness about these issues and influencing and mobilizing their young and female demographic to instigate social change. Rupi Kaur, a famous Canadian-Indian instapoet with 4 million Instagram followers, is an exemplar of the intersection of poetry, social media, and politics. Kaur’s female-centred content reaches millions of people and speaks to healing by way of self-help. Through her words and illustrations, readers are encouraged to think about the politics of being a woman today.&lt;/p&gt;

1 Contents Chapter 2 Foreword Chapter 3 Introduction. At the Intersection of Politics and Popular Culture: Over Two Hundred Years of Great Entertainment Part 4 I. Setting the Stage Chapter 5 1. Different Experiences of Young Adults and Other Adults in Mediated Campaigns Chapter 6 2. Links, Chicks, Blogs, Banners: Using the Internet for Youth Voter Mobilization Part 7 II. The Performance Chapter 8 3. Rock the Vote: An Insider's Account of the 2004 Campaign Strategy Chapter 9 4. Comic Elections and Real News? The Daily Show, Satire, Public Discourse, and the New Voter Chapter 10 5. Lessons in Appealing to the Young Non-Voter: Michael Moore's Slackers Uprising Tour Chapter 11 6. Screening Abu Ghraib, Reelecting the President: The Symbolic Politics of Torture in Fiction Film and Television, 2003-2005 Chapter 12 7. Cast a Vote: Yo: Targeting the Hip-Hop Generation through Popular Culture Part 13 III. Evaluating the Show Chapter 14 8. Soft News and Young Voters: Why They Tune into It and What They Get Out of It Chapter 15 9. Thin Democracy/Thick Citizenry: Interactive Media and its Lessons for Young Citizens/Consumers Chapter 16 10. Just Don't to Vote or Die, Bitch! A Giant Douche, a Turd Sandwich, Hardcore Puppet Sex, and the Reinvention of Political (Un)Involvement Chapter 17 Index Chapter 18 About the Contributors

Teaching &amp; Learning Guide for: Politics, Print Culture and the Habermas Thesis Cluster

The study builds on Deborah Stone’s foundational work exploring the mechanics of causal narratives and their implications for framing problems, assigning responsibility, and guiding policy solutions. The purpose of this research is to unravel the complexities of causal narratives in contemporary politics and understand their profound influence on public policy and society at large. In the digital age, where information is abundant and the traditional gatekeeping role of media has diminished, causal narratives have become increasingly multifaceted. The study aims to explore how these narratives, influenced by the intersections of natural phenomena, human actions, politics, risk, and media, shape public understanding and policy directions. The study employs an extensive review of existing literature, covering works from political science, media studies, and public policy. This includes analyzing seminal texts like Deborah Stone’s “Policy Paradox” and recent studies on media’s evolving role in political discourse. Today’s causal narratives are multifaceted, influenced by a myriad of factors including political agendas, scientific findings, and media portrayals. In conclusion, the research highlights the dynamic nature of causal narratives in the digital age and their significant impact on public policy and societal outcomes. It underscores the need for nuanced understanding and strategic approaches in crafting and interpreting these narratives.

On 23 August 2005, John Howard, then Prime Minister, called together Muslim ‘representatives’ from around the nation for a Muslim Summit in response to the London bombings in July of that year. One of the outcomes of the two hour summit was a Statement of Principles committing Muslim communities in Australia to resist radicalisation and pursue a ‘moderate’ Islam. Since then the ill-defined term ‘moderate Muslim’ has been used in both the political and media discourse to refer to a preferred form of Islamic practice that does not challenge the hegemony of the nation state and that is coherent with the principles of secularism. Akbarzadeh and Smith conclude that the terms ‘moderate’ and ‘mainstream’ are used to describe Muslims whom Australians should not fear in contrast to ‘extremists’. Ironically, the policy direction towards regulating the practice of Islam in Australia in favour of a state defined ‘moderate’ Islam signals an attempt by the state to mediate the practice of religion, undermining the ethos of secularism as it is expressed in the Australian Constitution. It also – arguably – impacts upon the citizenship rights of Australian Muslims in so far as citizenship presents not just as a formal set of rights accorded to an individual but also to democratic participation: the ability of citizens to enjoy those rights at a substantive level. Based on the findings of research into how Australian Muslims and members of the broader community are responding to the political and media discourses on terrorism, this article examines the impact of these discourses on how Muslims are practicing citizenship and re-defining an Australian Muslim identity.

‘Moderate Islam’

Proportionality is the test used by courts in the liberal democratic world to determine the justifiability and legitimacy of repressive state measures. This chapter considers whether the lockdowns imposed in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic were proportionate and thus legally and morally justifiable. It points out three pathologies of the political and public discourse around lockdowns, all of which relate to the final stage of the test, which examines the appropriateness of the balance struck between the severity of the restriction on freedom and the public interest in protecting health and lives. First, by focusing in a one-sided way on the protection of life, the public and political discourse neglected the question of the severity of the restriction on freedom and, relatedly, the costs of lockdowns, in particular their social, medical, psychological, cultural, and economic costs. Second, by de facto placing a taboo on the question of the relevance of the age distribution of the people dying from COVID-19, a proper consideration of this relevant factor was prevented. Third, the considerations that were regarded as determinative in striking the balance between protecting life and guaranteeing freedom, namely the protection of the health services from being overburdened and/or the prioritisation of human life as the highest value, were normatively unconvincing. Because of the complexity of, in particular, the empirical questions, this chapter cannot reach a confident conclusion as to the proportionality of the recent lockdowns. It does, however, show that the public and political discourse was biased in favour of lockdowns, and offers a doctrinal structure as well as normative reflection on how to conduct the proportionality assessment properly.

Practices of branding, promotion, and persona have become dominant influences structuring identity formation in popular culture. Creating an iconic brand identity is now an essential practice required for politicians, celebrities, global leaders, and other public figures to establish their image within a competitive media landscape shaped by consumer society. This dissertation analyzes the construction and circulation of Vivienne Westwood, Barack Obama, and Pope Francis as iconic brand identities in contemporary media and consumer culture. The content analysis and close textual analysis of select media coverage and other relevant material on key moments, events, and cultural texts associated with each figure deconstructs the media representation of Westwood, Obama, and Pope Francis. The brand identities of Westwood, Pope Francis, and Obama ultimately exhibit a unique form of iconic symbolic power, and exploring the complex dynamics shaping their public image demonstrates how they have achieved and maintained positions of authority. Although Westwood, Obama, and Pope Francis initially were each positioned as outsiders to the institutions of fashion, politics, and religion that they now represent, the media played a key role in mainstreaming their image for public consumption. Their iconic brand identities symbolize the influence of consumption in shaping how issues of public good circulate within public discourse, particularly in regard to the economy, health care, social inequality, and the environment. Westwood, Obama, and Pope Francis are also texts used to promote the institutions they represent, and it is this aspect of their public image that illuminates the inherent contradictions between individual and institution underlying their brand identities. Interrogating the iconic identities of Westwood, Obama, and Pope Francis reveals how it is the labour and strategy behind the brand that creates meaning in consumer culture. Westwood, Obama, and Pope Francis are important figures for analysis because their iconic brand identities transcend the foundations of fashion, politics, and religion, and more significantly, demonstrate how branding as a promotional strategy is not unique to any particular realm or institution but a technique utilized by public figures regardless of the celebrity or elite status associated with their position.

The core idea of Jurgen Habermas public sphere has to do with forming a public made of private individuals who participate in civic dialogue on issues of common interest. A public so formed generates public opinion through the formation of a communicative network. This essay argues that the communicative network of the public sphere which is known to be strengthened by its cultural connects through press and mass media can also be shaped by popular music culture like hip-hop, rock or electronic dance music. A cultural public sphere is comprised of numerous networks of mass and popular culture which help in shaping the participants’ articulations of politics, both public and personal. Cultural public sphere marks the entry of affective modes of communication as effectual participation in the politics of everyday life. In this article, the author tries to position the role of popular music cultures in the formation of a public sphere by studying three distinct forms of popular music- hip-hop, rock and electronic dance music. The idea is to understand the role of the communities formed due the affective mode of popular music and the efficacies granted to these social groups in the larger context of a public sphere. Another important dimension of studying these forms of popular music is to understand music festivals as active sites for the realisation of a public sphere. Drawing from Durkheim’s idea of how festivals harness within them a ‘collective effervescence’ which he found to be an integral element to aid in instilling feelings of solidarity in a community, this essays tries to locate the popular music festival sites within the framework of a cultural public sphere by conducting an in depth literature review on how the traditional public sphere is critiqued from the vantage point of a cultural public sphere; how popular culture texts and practices inform these critiques and finally how music festival sites act as public spheres.

Globalized Muslim Youth in the Asia Pacific: Popular Culture in Singapore and Sydney