Abstract
Summary Slavic languages show differences in the syntactic realization of arguments of ditransitive verbs as, e.g., give. While Czech and Russian use dative indirect objects (IOs) which precede the direct object (DO), IOs of ditransitives in Bulgarian are marked by a preposition-like element na and follow the DO. Within a framework assuming that Argument Structure is a component part of verbal lexical entries (cf. Bierwisch 1996, a.o.) and syntactic structure of the VP is projected from the lexicon depending on the argument hierarchy, the question arises what is the basic linearization of arguments of ditransitives in Russian, Czech, and Bulgarian. We will argue that the two structures attested in the languages under investigation do not correspond to what has become known as Dative Alternation in English and that there is no need for specific semantic representations for Bulgarian ditransitives. In the relevant cases, the hierarchy of argument variables is changed through application of a semantic template. This accounts for the unmarked DO > IO order in Bulgarian.
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