Abstract

The Aborigines who are the Subject of this thesis reside at the Lutheran mission of Hope Vale, some thirty miles north of Cooktown. Since most of them are Kuuku-Yimityirr speakers they are referred to in the thesis as the Kuuku-Yimityirr, or, more often, as the Yimityirr. From 1886 until mid-1942 there was a Lutheran mission in the Cape Bedford Aboriginal reserve, with its headquarters first at Hope Valley and then later at Eight Mile. During this time, the local Kuuku-Yimityirr people were amalgamated on the mission with Aborigines sent there from many part s of Queensland. The Cape Bedford mission was founded during a period of major social and economic upheavals in Yimityirr society. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Cooktown district Aboriginal population was suddenly and considerably reduced. This decrease was due primarily to the Aborigines' exposure to new illnesses and to their many violent contacts with the European and Asian newcomers. During this period the decimated Yimityirr lost their territories and their economy changed from one based on hunting and gathering the products of their own land to one depending on goods obtained from the appropriating aliens. The Cape Bedford mission, under the guidance of the Rev. G.H. Schwarz, was a haven for these dispossessed and displaced people. It was also a place where they were introduced to a new way of life. From mid-1242 until 1950 the Cape Bedford Aborigines lived on the Palm Island and Woorabinda Aboriginal settlements. Since 1950 most of them have been resettled at Hope Vale, some sixteen miles from the site of the old Hope Vale mission. The kinship and marriage systems of the Yimityirr are studied with the aid of historical documents and information obtained from Aborigines of different age groups. There have been marked developments in the kinship terminology and in aspects of the social structure. The traditional kinship terminology proves to be an Omaha-type. In addition the actual use of kinship terms by mission residents of different generations is examined. At present-day- Hope Yale the traditional nomenclature is used by all the oldest Hope Valers, by many middle aged and by some younger persons. Some middle aged and most younger residents use a different nomenclature containing terms drawn not only from the traditional kinship system but also from the English relationship terminology. These developments in the kinship nomenclature can be seen as a reflection of major changes in the social structure. The changing pattern of spouse choices since 1886 was selected as an indicator of the radical developments in the social structure. The detailed analysis of these choices over the course of time show a shift from a system based on prescriptions phrased in terms of the traditional kinship categories and traditional exogamous groupings to one governed by concepts related to a colour class system and a philosophy of romantic love. These developments in the kinship system and social structure are analysed with respect to Dole's hypotheses concerning the evolution of kinship nomenclatures. The traditional Aboriginal kinship terminology falls into Dole's Cross Generation type. When a society undergoes severe and lasting disruptions such as have been experienced by the Kuuku-Yimityirr, certain developments in the kinship terminology and social structure can be expected. Using Dole's typology of kinship nomenclatures, aspects of three non-developmental terminologies can be discerned in the present-day relationship nomenclature of the younger Hope Valers. These are the Bifurcate Collateral, the Generation and the Primitive Isolating types. It is examined how far and to what extent Dole's hypotheses concerning the kinship structure connected with each of these three types fit the Hope Vale situation. Finally a tentative prognosis is made with respect to the future developments of Hope Valers kinship terminology.

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