Democracy as an element and a condition of global justice

El sistema democratico esta enfrentando una profunda crisis de representatividad, cuya expresion maxima se encuentra en las generaciones mas jovenes. El objetivo de este articulo es reflexionar acerca de la vinculacion de esta crisis y la paradoja sobre la que se funda el sistema democratico chileno, a partir del analisis de las contradicciones entre el discurso y la practica de la participacion juvenil, de las caracteristicas de la educacion ciudadana en Chile, encargada de formar a los ciudadanos que el sistema democratico necesita y del potencial efecto de la escuela en la formacion de una ciudadania democratica

The modern democratic society must ensure the realization of the ideal democracy through the education of the youth with knowledge-skills and critical thinking and finally through the education of democratic citizens. A democratic citizen is defined as a citizen who is personally responsible, participatory, and oriented towards social justice and has the will to work for the realization of democratic ideals. The key issues the study focuses on are: What school practices contribute to the preparation of democratic citizens? What is meant by the open / positive climate of the classroom and how is it related to the strengthening of citizenship according to research data? The main purpose of the study is to reflect and raise awareness about the democratic conditions we must ensure in schools, to avoid the erosion of institutions and the rejection or loose commitment to the rules of democracy.

Education of democratic citizens is a fundamental aspect of Danish primary and secondary schooling. However, policymakers push school principals' agency towards professional leadership by encouraging specific methods for assessing student learning outcomes. Enactment of a learning management system (LMS) supports the transition towards professional leadership and leads to self-regulation by all actors within schools. While supporting the professional agency of school principals, this transformation is at the expense of core elements of democratic practice. This article argues that schooling's democratic purpose tends to be forgotten in the shift towards the professionalization of principals' agency. In this process, an LMS is a powerful tool because principals can keep track of what teachers are doing digitally at all times. The concept of professional agency is used in this article to denote how the actions of school principals become distanced from the educational practice within the schools. The article is based on a qualitative study at four schools, comprising 31 semistructured interviews with principals, teachers, and civil servants. Bourdieu's thinking tools -field, habitus, and capital - will be used along with the concept of governmentality to explore principals' professional agency and self-regulation and to conduct a thorough analysis of practice

A righteous reformer committed to the power of education, Horace Mann became a national figure by championing the common school movement. Mann's message, which he preached at every opportunity, was that universal public education was the only means to transform America's disorderly masses into a disciplined, judicious republican citizenry, thereby removing the dangers of anarchy and class warfare. In his new look at Mann's work and thought, Bob Pepperman Taylor shows that Mann's ideas on civic education have had a lasting impact on the way that we still think today about education and its relation to our civic life. Written from the perspective of democratic theory and practice, Taylor's work reassesses Mann's philosophy of civic education and deeply resonates with today's pervasive and highly political debates about the role of education. By conceiving of public schooling as serving primarily political ends, this nineteenth-century reformer fostered an enduring tension between educational values and political purposes. Taylor contends that Mann's approach to civic education marginalized the role of schools in training the intellect, and that this anti-intellectual component has been retained in the current model of schooling in the United States. He contends that Mann's schooling model promotes moral certainty and political consensus over intellectual doubt and political disagreement an imbalance that erodes and weakens both educational and democratic ends. By considering Mann's unique influence as a theorist of civic education, Taylor argues, we find both his greatest strengths and most significant weaknesses. And when we take Mann seriously as a contributor to American political thought, we find that the challenge he presents is more significant than concerns about the lack of originality or the unscientific nature of some of his ideas. Ultimately, Mann can tell us a great deal about the very best in our educational tradition, as well as help us see some of its significant flaws and show us how both strengths and weaknesses have played out in our current public and higher systems of education. By examining how Mann was the first to articulate a cohesive vision of the relationship between civic education and democratic practice, Taylor demonstrates that Mann belongs among the key founders of the American political tradition.

La figura di Glauco Gresleri si è espressa, oltre che nella professione di architetto, nell’intenso e continuo impegno nell’educazione all’architettura, con forme e strumenti differenti da quelli tipici del contesto accademico, in una continua verifica dei presupposti teorici e pratici del mestiere, filtrati attraverso l’attività di coordinamento e direzione delle principali riviste che ha contribuito a fondare, Chiesa e Quartiere e Parametro, nelle quali la riflessione tematica e l’approfondimento critico erano sempre orientati alla trasmissione di saperi e contenuti mai dogmatici, al confronto civile tra idee diverse, in altre parole alla formazione di cittadini democratici. Non c’è stata, nel suo lavoro divulgativo e professionale, la propensione a rincorrere tematiche effimere, anche per la consapevolezza della limitatezza operativa che uno sguardo superficiale sulla contemporaneità avrebbe provocato, con l’indebolimento, quindi, della funzione pedagogica dell’architettura. La sua testimonianza trova così, negli scritti e nell’esperienza costruita, il luogo ideale in cui esprimere e offrire sempre il suo pensiero come contributo a un’architettura di sostanza e critica verso un formalismo non supportato da una chiara e coerente motivazione di ordine economico, tecnico, sociale e culturale. L’educazione all’architettura è stata, per Gresleri, il modo più naturale e diretto per condividere la sua passione civile e religiosa, il significato di un mestiere, e l’impegno costante e mai rinunciatario verso il progressivo miglioramento della comunità e del suo territorio.

The universal protection of human rights rests on a set of basic concepts known as human rights. This research aims to analyze (1) How does the low level of constitutional awareness among Indonesian society affect the implementation of human rights (HAM) and constitutional sovereignty in real practice? and (2) What is the impact of the lack of citizenship education on understanding constitutional rights and responsibilities as citizens towards realizing the goals of social justice mandated by the Indonesian constitution?. The research method used in this research is normative legal research with a descriptive analytical approach. The research results show that low constitutional awareness has a serious impact on the implementation of Human Rights and the sovereignty of a country's constitution. Citizenship education is likened to a rail or means that guides citizens to become good citizens. Increasing constitutional awareness and citizenship education are expected to support the struggle for legal justice in Indonesia. It is hoped that a society that is more aware of the constitution can play an active role in protecting and fighting for human rights (HAM), as well as supporting constitutional sovereignty to achieve the goals of social justice.

Purpose: This paper compares citizenship education in Singapore and Australia. While discussions have been made about education and neoliberalism, few have explored the direct connections between citizenship education and neoliberalism. Approach: Though a discussion of country contexts, citizenship education policies and curriculum, ‘Character and Citizenship Education’ in Singapore and ‘Civics and Citizenship education’ in Australia are examined to explore the meanings of ‘Character education’ and ‘Civics education’ and their connections with ‘Citizenship education’. Findings: The distinct use of terms for citizenship education suggests that the two countries hold different citizenship ideals. Set within the context of globalisation, the paper argues that some approaches towards citizenship education can inadvertently work towards supporting the goals of neoliberalism, which can be at odds with the classical tradition of democracy.

Citizenship (education) is de facto a political and spatial concept and should be considered in local, national, and global contexts. Adopting a spatial and cultural politics perspective and with the dynamic formation of Hong Kong's citizenship education as a case study, this article tries to illustrate the politics at three different levels. It shows how citizenship and identity are hotly contested, with the result that, while the official civic education programme is oriented towards “national education”, a pluralistic and vibrant civil society allows the hybridization and cross-fertilization of multiple discourses and practices to run parallel with the state project, either in a complementary or competitive way. Civic education launched by the democratic camp in civil society may be viewed as empowerment struggles for human rights and democracy vis-à-vis the domestication efforts made by the government and the pro-Beijing camp, as well as the tyranny of global capitalism.

Teacher education focused on social justice does not exist in a vacuum. Its theory and practice reside in a global context that can exert considerable influence on its formulation and expression, even as those very contexts also can be influenced by theory and practice as those develop over time. Examining the contextualization of teacher education for social justice with a delineation of its theory and practice is important to advance the field. With that goal in mind, this chapter examines relatively recent scholarship—theoretical and empirical—on the context, theory, and practice of teacher education informed by goals of social justice.

Glossary Introduction Chapter One - Questions of Context INTRODUCTION 1 - Global Contexts 2 - Conceptions of Higher Education 3 - Education for Citizenship, Social Justice, and a Better World? 4 - Internationalization 5- Internationalization of the Curriculum 6- The Global Self Chapter Two - Questions of Alterity INTRODUCTION 1- Social Consequences of Globalization 2- Social Identity and Ethnocentrism 3- Intercultural Competence & Communication 4- Contact & Conflict thoeries Chapter Three - Questions of the Lifeworld INTRODUCTION 1 - A Model of the Lifeworld 2- The Habitus and the Ready-to-hand 3- Capital, Capability & Agency 4- Cultural Icebergs 5- Schemata, Scripts and Types 6- Attitudes & Heuristics Chapter Four - Questions of Learning INTRODUCTION 1- (Re)forming the Lifeworld 2- Holistic Learning 3 - Learning Triggers 4- Situated Learning & Communities of Practice 5- Learning Stages Chapter Five - Questions of Practice INTRODUCTION 1- Shaping the Environment: Inclusivity and The Hidden Curriculum 2 - Shaping the Curriculum: Content and Outcomes 3- Shaping the Delivery: Learning Experiences and Communities 4 - Shaping Broader Institutional Practice Endword Appendix 1 Selected resources and Links to Support Practice Bibliography

Preface and Acknowledgements M. S. Katz. Introduction: Education, Democracy and the Moral Life: Where Opposites Collide S. Verducci. 1. Education and the Ethics of Democratic Citizenship, R. D. Glass. 2. Is There A Right to Education? A Philosophical Analysis through U.S. Lenses M. S. Katz. 3. The Democratic and Educational Potential of Political Blogs N. C. Burbules. 4. Democratic Patriotism and Multicultural Education E. Callan. 5. Racism: What It Is and What It Isn't L. Blum. 6. For Goodness Sake: How Religious Stories Work to Make Us Good and The Goodness that they Make W. Feinberg. 7. Sporadic Democracy: Education, Democracy and the Question of Inclusion G. Biesta. 8. Public Reason and the Education of Democratic Citizens: the Role of Higher Education E. Robertson. 9. Love and Hatred in the Moral Life: Educational Investigations A. Diller.

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Recent public discourse in the United States has often been polarized, contentious, and filled with half-truths and misconceptions, if not outright lies. Like the Queen in Alice in Wonderland, some citizens seem able to believe “six impossible things before breakfast.” Many colleges and universities have committed themselves to helping form socially responsible citizens as a central part of their mission, a task long embraced by public education. What are the knowledge, skills, and commitments — the citizen virtues — on which a healthy liberal democracy depends? And what role, if any, can higher education play in developing them?

Reviewed by: Horace Mann’s Troubling Legacy: The Education of Democratic Citizens Hilary Moss (bio) Horace Mann’s Troubling Legacy: The Education of Democratic Citizens. By Bob Pepperman Taylor. (Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2010. Pp. 192. Cloth, $34.95.) In Horace Mann’s Troubling Legacy, Bob Pepperman Taylor explores the causes and consequences of America’s decision to make civic education central to its defense of public schools. He contrasts civic education, which strives to create informed, virtuous, and engaged citizens, with intellectual education, which aims to create freethinking, creative, and independent individuals. How was it, Taylor asks, that Americans came to understand public schooling in collective rather than personal terms? He argues that Americans have mistakenly conceptualized a public school system that elevates the polity over the individual. In the process he levies a powerful critique against the national “temptation” to “think of education as a source for political salvation” (xi). Taylor traces America’s tendency to politicize public education back to Horace Mann, a leading figure in the antebellum crusade for common schools. Rejecting historians’ inclination to see Mann as more activist than theorist, Taylor situates him among a generation of intellectuals who feared for the security and prosperity of the young nation. He describes Mann as an “articulate, nervous, and influential representative” of early republican political thinkers anxious about freedom, immigration, and [End Page 413] democracy (18). From such skepticism about the American experiment emerged an argument for public education that was more defensive than aspirational. Mann fashioned a rationale for common schools that understood them as bulwarks against fragmentation. These institutions, he asserted, could safeguard the republic by creating virtuous, informed, and engaged citizens. In so doing, Taylor contends, Mann inadvertently created a conception of public education that elevated the political at the expense of the intellectual. That vision, he suggests, threatens to undermine “the philosophical or intellectual purposes” of public education (xi). As this brief summation suggests, Taylor makes several important contributions. First, despite Mann’s standing as the father of the common school movement, few studies have engaged seriously with his ideas about democracy. Taylor’s decision to see Mann as a theorist first and activist second serves as a useful corrective to those who downplay the philosophical and intellectual underpinnings of the common school crusade. It also nicely complements existing scholarship about expansion of public education such as that by Carl Kaestle and Michael Katz, which is steeped in social history. Moreover, Taylor does a fine job of showing why ideas matter. His exploration of collegiate and secondary institutions, for example, makes a powerful argument for why higher education today might be better understood as a public rather than a private good. While Taylor never shows exactly how Mann’s ideology manifests itself in contemporary classrooms, he does highlight how many of America’s most deeply held assumptions about public schools have a real and tangible history. To borrow a phrase from David Tyack, he takes the long view. In so doing, he makes a powerful case for the importance of the past in present-day debates about education and democracy. There are some downsides to seeing Mann as more theorist than activist. While Taylor does discuss the intense political opposition to public schools in the antebellum period, particularly in Mann’s home state of Massachusetts, he downplays just how difficult it was—and is—to convince Americans to finance the education of other people’s children. As an able politician, Mann understood that he had to appeal to self-interest to convince those without school-aged sons and daughters to tax themselves for public education. When Mann wrote publicly about common schools, he did so with an eye for how he could convince others to go along with his campaign. Moreover, as a scholar of political theory himself, Taylor grounds his analysis more in Mann’s writings than in schools themselves. In consequence, he does not show as fully as he might have how Mann’s emphasis on civic education actually alters what happens in secondary and collegiate classrooms. Finally, future scholars will likely want [End Page 414] to explore other costs of linking citizenship with public schooling, particularly for those...

Chapter VIII. The Gorgias, Socratic Dialectic, and the Education of Democratic Citizens