Croatian Presidential Elections 2019-2020: The Anti-Corruption Myth

The 2019 presidential and vice presidential elections in Indonesia had complicated issues, including broken ballots, multiple voter lists, not registered as permanent voters, political money, transparency, administrative violations, electoral penalties, and high white numbers. These problems indicate that the values contained in the concept of good governance are not implemented in the election process. To analyze the issues, this paper uses normative method. The method is by analyzing the Laws. Especially when related to aspects of law enforcement in the principles of administrative law in good governance. This method will be formulated for implementing good governance in the election process. The results of the analysis have who that the electoral justice is very important to be achieved in the presidential election in Indonesia. the presidential system is in order to strengthen the presidential election. However, the presidential election as one of the recruitment in the Presidential in Indonesia system in election is against justice because do not use a good governance in election process. It is not supporting the electoral justice. Results of previous elections in Indonesia, it was found that the values of good governance have not been well implemented in all stages of the election, both in the pre-election stage, the election process until post-election. Especially when related to aspects of law principle in election. this research will be formulated with good governance system for implemented in election process. The paper will be socialized and implemented in the holding of presidential system election in Indonesia.

ABSTRACTWhile theory suggests that democratic presidential elections should have a positive effect on human rights practices, the literature’s findings have thus far been mixed. Can differentiating between different types of presidential elections help to explain the literature’s contrasting results? This study estimates an ordered probit model to analyse a data set of 227 elections that occur in 54 presidential democracies from 1982 to 2011. Unlike presidential elections by plurality rule, runoff elections require a majority. I argue that in order to obtain a majority, presidential runoff elections favour candidates willing to form diverse cabinets with players more likely to be willing to veto repressive policies. Consistent with this argument, I find that in comparison to single-round presidential elections, after two-round presidential elections states are more likely to experience an increase in government respect for human rights and less likely to experience a decrease in government respect for human rights.

Holding regular elections is an essential feature of democratic practices. The case for postponing elections is often made during emergency situations, however. Despite the critical nature of the i...

Election violence is often conceptualized as a form of coercive campaigning, but the literature has not fully explored how electoral institutions shape incentives for competition and violence. We argue that the logic of subnational electoral competition – and with it incentives for violence – differs in presidential and legislative elections. In presidential elections, national-level considerations dominate incentives for violence. Presidential elections are usually decided by winning a majority of votes in a single, national district, incentivizing parties to demobilize voters with violence in strongholds. In contrast, election violence is subject to district-level incentives in legislative elections. District-level incentives imply that parties focus on winning the majority of districts, and therefore center violent campaigning on the most competitive districts. We test our argument with georeferenced, constituency-level data from Zimbabwe, a case that fits our scope conditions of holding competitive elections, violence by the incumbent, and majoritarian electoral rule. We find that most violence takes place in strongholds in presidential elections, especially in opposition strongholds. In contrast, competitive constituencies are targeted in legislative contests.

Despite its controversial status as a stable governmental form, many of today's societies attempting to make the transition to democracy have or will, for a variety of reasons, choose presidentialism. Meanwhile, the evidence suggests that the combination of presidentialism and multipartism is especially dangerous for democratic stability (Mainwaring 1994). The question this essay addresses, though, is whether presidential elections themselves serve to encourage a fragmented party system, at least in the initial stages of democratization. In transitional political systems presidential elections encourage party fragmentation, but in a way different from that of highly proportional purely parliamentary mechanisms. Specifically, parties proliferate to support the presidential aspirations of political elites. Multivariate regression analysis on cross-sectional aggregate electoral data, supported by extensive outliers diagnostics and assessments of the role of country-specific effects is applied. A nested model is used to discriminate among the secondary hypotheses. Controls include: parliamentary election rules (district magnitude, threshold for representation, adjustment districts, ballot structure), relative timing of presidential and parliamentary elections, and basic societal cleavage structure. Using as our data source the recent elections in East and Central Europe and the European part of the former Soviet Union, we show that presidential elections consistently significantly increase party fragmentation. At the same time, the data are consistent with the hypothesis that presidentialism does encourage the overall consolidation in party systems through voters' abandonment of some parties, akin to Duverger's 'psychological effect'.

A commonly held view is that presidential elections are largely personality contests, and that the candidate with the best‐liked personality wins. But is this really the case? Based on a careful analysis of national survey data from the last 11 presidential elections, this article concludes that such a view is unfounded. The most personally popular candidate does not always win in the U.S.—indeed, in recent elections, the most personally popular candidate has generally lost. Much more central to candidate evaluations, and to who emerges victorious, are perceptions of candidates’ stands on the issues.

Financial intermediation around national elections: Evidence of state-owned banks as credit smoothers

R. Michael Alvarez examines how voters make their decisions in presidential elections. He begins with the assumption that voters have neither the incentive nor the inclination to be well-informed about politics and presidential candidates. Candidates themselves have incentives to provide ambiguous information about themselves, their records and their issue positions. Yet the author shows that a tremendous amount of information is made available about presidential candidates. And he uncovers clear and striking evidence that people are not likely to vote for candidates about whom they know very little. Alvarez explores how voters learn about candidates through the course of a campaign. He provides a detailed analysis of the media coverage of presidential campaigns and shows that there is a tremendous amount of media coverage of these campaigns, that much of this coverage is about issues and is informative, and that voters learn from this coverage. The paperback edition of this work has been updated to include information on the 1996 Presidential election. Information and Elections is a book that will be read by all who are interested in campaigns and electoral behavior in presidential and other elections. "Thoughtfully conceptualized, painstakingly analyzed, with empirically significant conclusions on presidential election voting behavior, this book is recommended for both upper-division undergraduate and graduate collections." --Choice R. Michael Alvarez is Associate Professor of Political Science, California Institute of Technology.

The purpose of this research is to find out whether general elections simultaneously have an influence on strengthening presidential systems. To find out the implications of simultaneous elections on elections in Indonesia. The research method in this study uses a normative juridical approach used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. Primary legal material is the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 etc. Secondary legal materials are those that provide explanations and interpretations of sources of primary legal materials such as law books, legal journals, and others. Tertiary legal materials are legal materials that provide guidance or explanation of primary and secondary legal materials such as legal dictionaries, encyclopedias, and related documents. The results of the study were argued that the holding of elections simultaneously with the plurality system itself actually tended to produce few presidential candidates. When presidential elections the supporters of candidates in this system tend to ignore candidates who are not competitive (non-viable) so they can focus on the top two candidates. This encouraged a coalition process between parties from the start because there was only one election round. The party that should submit its own candidate but the candidate is less competitive tends to drop the candidate and endorse one of the two most competitive candidates. The plurality system, if implemented separately from the legislative elections, the parties in the legislative elections do not need to think about the influence of the presidential election. This plurality mechanism affects parties when carried out simultaneously with legislative elections. The parties tend to nominate one of the two most competitive candidates, and lead to gathering support for the legislative parties in the two candidates. When one of the candidates wins the presidential election, then support for the president in the legislature tends to be the majority or close to the majority. The combination of the presidential plurality election system carried out simultaneously with legislative elections is the most likely to help strengthen multi-party presidential systems. Thus the simultaneous implementation of elections will strengthen the presidential system in which the President and Vice-President are elected to gain strong legitimacy from the people, in order to realize the effectiveness of government and also the support base of the DPR.

In Afghanistan, day to a day power struggle, rampant corruption, and numerous challenges increased and affected National Unity Government. The survival of the country was managed with the help of International Assistance. Afghanistan Analyst Network reports that mismanagement and electrical fraud exist in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2018 and 2019. Two parties in Afghanistan had created continuous political tension in the country. In several ways, the government of Afghanistan suffered due to violence and insecurity problems. The socio- political management was of the country not focused on efficiently maintaining security problems. Additionally, due to the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, ninety per cent of the Afghan people were suffering from economic, environmental crises and insecurity problems. The parliamentary election scheduled after the first election in 2004 led to several challenges due to slow preparations. The people of Afghans prefer to have a strong government was the lesson learnt by the presidential election in Afghanistan. The irregularities and fraud reveal the different types of voting patterns. The challenges of a presidential election in Afghanistan based on the voter turnout were examined in this study. The post-conflict state of the country caused the increase or decrease in voter turnout in Afghanistan. The change in the socio-political and economic, and security situation of the country was analyzed during the presidential and parliamentary elections. Parliamentary chambers of Afghanistan held over various years were analyzed based on the number of registered voters, ballots and valid votes.

Neglected Tropical Diseases and the 2012 US Presidential Election

This article examines the interaction between the rules governing presidential elections and multipartism in Latin America. Data from 16 Latin American systems are examined through the use of a multivariate model to gain an understanding of the independent impact of presidential electoral formula (plurality vs. majority), the timing of presidential and legislative elections (concurrent vs. nonconcurrent) and legislative district magnitude on legislative multipartism, and by extension, on the number of relevant political parties operating in the nation. The findings demonstrate the strong and significant impact which formula and timing have on multipartism. They also point to the importance of examining the interaction between elections for different constituent institutions. Finally, they underscore the applicability of Duverger's law to presidential elections.

Indonesia will hold presidential and vice-presidential elections, however, currently, the election mechanism for presidential and vice-presidential candidates only accommodated nominations through political parties and also still uses the provisions of the Presidential Threshold. Indonesia is a country that adheres to a democratic system which of course strongly adheres to the principle of people's sovereignty which guarantees the rights of all its citizens, and should also accommodate the mechanism of presidential nomination through individual or independent channels. Thus, blocking the rights of some citizens who wish to nominate themselves through non-political party channels, indicates that democratic principles have not been implemented properly. Based on this background, the formulation of the problem, how is the accommodation of individual candidates in the presidential election and the elimination of the presidential nomination threshold in Indonesia and the solution as a democratic country from the perspective of the 1945 Constitution? The type of research used is juridical-normative research, in designing the format of the mechanism for the recruitment of candidates for president and vice president in the electoral system in Indonesia, it must be by democratic principles, this is based on the preamble of the 1945 Constitution as the highest law in Indonesia that adheres to the principle of people's sovereignty. To implement democratic principles well in general elections, Indonesia needs to apply a two-door recruitment mechanism format, which is a format that provides two kinds of doors as a nomination pathway. Based on this, it is necessary to immediately implement and realize a two-door nomination mechanism, namely through political parties and also through individual or independent channels in the Presidential Election and it is also necessary to remove the Presidential Threshold to carry out democratic elections. and justice to maintain peace and prosperity.

This article examines political violence enacted by youth during the presidential run-off election in Zimbabwe in 2008. After the presidential election in March 2008, no clear winner emerged, leading to a run-off election in June 2008 between Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). In the face of a possible defeat in the run-off, ZANU-PF unleashed significant levels of violence against MDC activists and members, such that Tsvangirai withdrew. Central to the violence were youths, and mainly young men, who performed this violence for diverse reasons, including promises of material rewards and compliance due to fear of being labelled as a sell-out. While not denying the significance of these reasons, this article explores the importance of political socialisation of youth in Zimbabwe by the ‘war generation’, that is, those who fought during the war of liberation in the 1970s. This socialisation entailed the propagation of an authoritarian nationalist narrative by ZANU-PF in which violence was justified in defending ‘the revolution’. This narrative was very pervasive in the years preceding 2008 and in the months leading up to the run-off. There is evidence that suggests that youths learnt about the efficacy of violence through this process of political socialisation and, on this basis, performed violence during the run-off. We conclude that this ‘indoctrination’ is of some significance in understanding youth violence in 2008. However, we argue that any youths considered as inspired on nationalist grounds to enact violence also had their own personal motivations that are irreducible to nationalist fervour.

The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Croatia in close connection with its domestic policy. The author examines the balance of political forces in the country on the eve, during and after the presidential elections in 2019/2020, as well as the elections to Sabor (parliament) in July 2020. He describes in detail the situation in the party that won the elections to Sabor, - the Croatian Democratic Union, - and the internal party struggle between representatives of the centrist and right-wing nationalist groups. Largely thanks to the current leader and prime minister of Croatia A. Plenković, it ended in 2020 with the victory of the centrists. At the same time, the presidential elections in December 2019 - January 2020 were won by the candidate of the left-center - Social Democrat Z. Milanović, who defeated the CDU representative K. Grabar-Kitarović, who held this post. The author believes that in Croatia, as a result of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019/2020, a situation has developed in which the president and the prime minister, representatives of the left and the right centers respectively, can, through joint efforts, pursuing their own political goals, update Croatia’s domestic and foreign policy, including in the Balkan / South-Eastern Europe region. The previous policy of Croatia, according to the author, was unsuccessful. The previous leadership of Croatia, using as a basis the ideology of nationalism and fearing that Croatia would be historically associated with Yugoslavia and the Balkans, pursued a policy of self-isolation in the very region in which Croatia could play an important role. The balance of power formed in Croatia in 2020 makes it possible to intensify Croatia’s policy in the region, on the basis of a possible normalization of relations with the Serbian community of the country as well as through the process of improving relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without this transformation, the final stabilization in the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region is impossible.