Creative Hubs in Hanoi, Vietnam

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Introduction There are currently 295 cities designated as members of the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Creative Cities Network, an initiative launched in 2004 (Hanoi Department of Culture and Sports). These cities are expected to “work together towards a common objective: placing creativity and cultural industries at the heart of their development plans at the local level and cooperating actively at the international level” (UNESCO “Creative”). More specifically, one of the aims of the Creative Cities Network is to “develop hubs of creativity and innovation and broaden opportunities for creators and professionals in the cultural sector” (UNESCO Creative Cities Network). This UNESCO initiative emerged soon after Richard Florida’s influential “creative city thesis”. Florida’s thesis encourages the implementation of socio-economic development policies and physical design plans—by entire cities or specific urban areas—that attract and draw from the creative and art sectors, and especially the ‘creative class’. Focusing on the North American and European contexts, Florida credits the creative sector, rather than industry, for generating the economic growth that transformed post-industrial cities. Seeking to replicate this same growth in non-Western contexts, international consultancy firms and organizations—including UNESCO—have advised governments and municipalities around the world to follow this approach to foster creative activities. Despite a number of academic critiques of Florida’s ideas (e.g. Borén and Young; Gibson and Klocker; Peck; Scott), the creative city thesis is now “going global”, and influencing many policy-makers and politicians in Asia (Landry 100). This is not to say, however, that exciting movements were not already underway in such locales, driven by local enthusiasts. Yet the degree to which governments are taking these ideas on board has certainly shifted (see Ren for an excellent discussion of such synergies in Beijing and Berlin). Over the last two decades, large cities across the region have witnessed the rapid emergence of so-called creative hubs and districts (Hee et al.; Huabcharoen and Ellsmore; Kong). To date, studies on such spaces in Asia have largely analysed their role within the circulation and adoption of creative city policies by national or local governments (e.g., Kong; Lin and Chiu; Yeoh). This scholarship has pointed to the ways by which the development of urban creative spaces is advanced as a strategy to brand cities, increase their cultural production, and encourage economic development (e.g., O’Connor and Gu; Ooi and Lai; Yeoh). At the same time, the implementation of such policies is also linked to negative externalities and tensions regarding gentrification, censorship, commodification, and social exclusion (e.g., Currier; Hee et al.; Lin and Chiu; Luger). Within this context, Vietnam’s capital city Hanoi has witnessed the establishment of a number of small-scale sites devoted to creative activities since the mid- to late 1980s (fig. 1). Locally known as ‘creative spaces’ (không gian sáng tạo), these locales share a number of key characteristics with creative hubs researched elsewhere (see Gill et al.; Virani). Notably, Hanoi’s creative spaces are assembly points for a range of creative activities and people. Also, as is common elsewhere, they operate as local nodes in their respective creative communities, while supporting their affiliates and participants through mutual social support, and knowledge and information exchange (Pratt; Virani). To date, however, there has been relatively little academic research into Hanoi’s creative hubs (or those elsewhere in Vietnam), their motives for becoming established, and the emerging relationship between these hubs and the Vietnamese government’s newly adopted creative city policy for the capital (but see commissioned reports by Truong the Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs, and Gasparin and Quinn on creative organisations in Vietnam). Our aim in this brief feature article is thus two-fold. First, we investigate the growth of independent creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their founders’ motivations for establishing the hubs, and how the hubs are meeting local creative demands. Second, we consider the possible tensions and conflicts emerging between the visions of these creative hub operators and users, compared to those of the Vietnamese state, with regard to what the city’s creative hubs should represent. We suggest that the state is now strongly influenced by Hanoi’s membership within UNESCO’s Creative City Network since 2019. To inform our analysis, between 2019 and 2021 we conducted an in-depth investigation of 10 creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their missions, activities, founders, and users. By drawing on two preliminary reports on the city’s hubs prepared for the British Council (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs), we selected our case studies to include different artistic orientations, length of time operating, and physical size. We included eight small, unifunctional spaces, and two large, multifunctional complexes, all of which began operations between 2009 and 2017. The hubs all engage in—or previously engaged in—non-mainstream cultural practices, including contemporary and experimental art. Given some of the hubs’ politically sensitive practices and discourses, we do not name them here. In the summer of 2019, while employed as a university research assistant, the third author, Celia Zuberec, completed semi-structured interviews with hub founders and operators (n=21), tenants (n=21), and users (n=36). These interview schedules were designed by the first and second authors, Sarah Turner and Danielle Labbé. We also interviewed three representatives from Vietnam’s central state ministries and two representatives from international organisations involved in Hanoi’s arts community. Additionally, Labbé and Nguyen N. Binh attended a number of meetings between creative hubs and representatives from the Vietnamese government and international organisations, including Nguyen being an observer at a high-level meeting with the National Assembly’s Committee on Culture, Education, Youths, Teenagers and Children (Ủy ban Văn hóa, Giáo dục, Thanh niên, Thiếu niên và Nhi đồng) in 2019. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the organisation and development visions of ‘creative industries’ in the city. Fig. 1: A small-scale creative hub in Hanoi. (Photo credit: Zuberec.) Note: the use of images from specific creative hubs does not mean that we completed interviews at these sites. To maintain confidentiality we visited a broader range to take photographs and complete observations. Emergence of Creative Hubs in Hanoi Since the mid-1950s, an affiliation with the Vietnamese state was a non-negotiable requirement for the establishment of any form of organisation in the country. Citizen-led groups or associations with no connection to the state were effectively banned unless given explicit authorisation to operate. Cultural activities were restricted to state-managed associations and venues, with the government being the only provider of cultural training institutions, and sponsor of art works. By maintaining tight control over cultural production, the government worked to limit the circulation of ‘subversive’ content and ideas, and uphold and legitimate its authority (Healey). With the onset of Đổi Mới (‘economic renovation’) in the mid-1980s, and following a rare moment of self-scrutiny when the government acknowledged its grip on the cultural sector had been “undemocratic, authoritarian and overbearing”, this situation began to change (ibid. 121). The government’s acknowledgement came with promises of new creative freedoms and signalled a relative scaling back of its control over society (Kerkvliet “Introduction”; Wells-Dang). Thereafter, new possibilities opened up for Vietnamese citizens to form autonomous groups, paving the way for the emergence of creative hubs in urban locales such as Hanoi. As this policy shift came into play, artists began to carve out their own scene in Hanoi. Supported by curators, collectors, and gallery operators, individuals started engaging more freely with artistic practices, media, and ideas, leading to the growth and diversification of the Vietnamese arts scene. Concurrently, other exhibitions and performances were held clandestinely in home-studios in order to operate away from the state’s gaze and its remaining censorship policies (Taylor). Driven by the impetus to “break from the establishment”, such private studios lay the groundwork for the city’s first accessible, non-government affiliated independent art spaces (Taylor and Corey 110). International cultural centres and foreign embassies also played a key role in the establishment of the city’s first creative hubs, by drawing on their social, political, and financial capital to support such endeavours (Nualart; Taylor). From the 2010s onwards, such spaces began to multiply rapidly, with a four-fold increase in the number of creative hubs operating in Hanoi between 2014 and 2018, a rise from 22 to 81 (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs). While the first creative hubs were mostly fine arts-oriented, they have since become more diverse, showcasing various contemporary, experimental and, to a lesser degree, traditional art forms. Broadly, these spaces can now be grouped into two distinct organisational structures, differentiated by their size and diversity of activity. The first model typically operates from a large multi-story, multi-room building, and brings together a diverse mix of artistic and commercial activities. Tenants rent or own spaces in such complexes, transforming them to fit their needs as studios, galleries, performance spaces, cafes, bars, and shops. This model—which aligns closely with the literature’s accepted definition of

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Drivers Indicators Creative Practices Products Artworks Events Festivals Cultural Production Local Assets Local Knowledge Context Listening & Gathering Stories Knowledge & Skill Exchange Creativity Exchange Experiential Learning Community Involvement Co-Creation Collaboration Creative Placemakers Artists Designers Craftspeople Resident of the Community Local Audience Virtual Platform Archive/Publications Creativity Productivity Collectivity Spatial Environment Neighbourhood Streets Place Identity Digital Hub Atelier Digital Studio/Maker Space Art Galleries Exhibition Spaces Art Equipment Maker/Supplier Meeting Place/Third Place Institutional Support Networking Platform for Dialogue Space for Exhibition Publicity Public Fund Private Fund Philanthropists Sponsorship Education Institutions Art Institutions Art Organisations Non-Government Organisations Government Table 1: Major drivers of creative placemaking. 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  • THE SCIENTIFIC ISSUES OF TERNOPIL VOLODYMYR HNATIUK NATIONAL PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY. SERIES: GEOGRAPHY
  • Nataliia Gusieva + 1 more

The rapid development of creative industries and the formation of the creative economy as a new paradigm of economic growth actualizes the need for a deep theoretical understanding of the interrelationships between these concepts. Despite growing research in this field, fundamental problems remain unresolved, including conceptual uncertainty, fragmentation of research, underestimation of multi-level interactions, problems of statistical accounting and comparison of indicators of the creative sector development between countries and regions, and difficulties in developing effective state policies. This study aims to theoretically substantiate the relationship between "creative industries" and "creative economy," analyze their structural elements, and develop an integrative model of their interaction at structural, functional, and value levels. The research methodology is based on comprehensive analysis of international experience, modern trends, and statistical data. The evolution demonstrates transformation from cultural industries studied by the Frankfurt School in the 1930s to modern comprehensive economic phenomena. "Creative industries" was officially first used in 1998 by the UK DCMS, defining them as "those industries which have their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property." The creative economy concept emerged later through contributions from John Howkins, Richard Florida, and Charles Landry. Structural analysis reveals creative industries as economic sectors uniting enterprises, organisations and individual entrepreneurs whose activities are based on individual creativity, skills, and talent, creating high added-value products through intellectual property development. Various models have been developed by different organizations, including John Howkins (15 creative sectors), NESTA (four business models), UNCTAD (six types of creative outputs and about ten industry categories), and David Throsby's concentric circles model. The creative economy is a broader concept encompassing not only creative industries but also socio-economic relations related to production, distribution, and consumption of creativity-based goods and services. Its structural elements include the creative class, creative industries, institutional environment, innovation and digital infrastructure, and creative spaces. The proposed integrative model considers interaction at three levels. At the structural level, creative industries form the creative economy's core, with the creative class as driving force. At the functional level, creative industries generate ideas, innovations, and solutions that penetrate traditional sectors, while creative economy creates favorable development conditions. At the value level, creative industries form new value systems based on creativity, innovation, individuality, and cultural diversity. Practical aspects demonstrate significant economic impact. According to UNCTAD, the creative economy in 2022 created 0.5-7.3 % of GDP and provided 0.5-12.5 % of workforce employment. Creative services exports reached $1.4 trillion USD, nearly double creative goods exports ($713 billion USD). Creative industries generate $2.3 trillion USD annually worldwide (3.1% of global GDP), with projections reaching 10% by 2030. The creative economy shows high multiplier effects: each creative job creates up to 1.9 jobs in related sectors, and every $1 spent generates $2.5 economic effect. For Ukraine, the creative sector represented 7 % of GDP in 2021, with potential exceeding 10%. Despite war challenges, Ukraine exported $3.766 billion in creative services in 2022, creating a $3.042 billion positive trade balance. The research concludes that creative industries and creative economy exist in complex multi-level interaction, with creative industries serving as the system-forming core, generating innovations and transforming socio-economic relations. The integrative model provides theoretical significance and practical value for effective state policy formation to stimulate creative sector development. Keywords: creative industries, creative economy, creative class, creative sector, creativity, innovations, cultural industries, economic development, multiplier effect, structural analysis, integrative model, state policy, international cooperation, Ukraine, UNCTAD, NESTA, UNESCO.

  • Research Article
  • Cite Count Icon 1
  • 10.5204/mcj.366
Leaving the City: Artist Villages in Beijing
  • Aug 18, 2011
  • M/C Journal
  • Angela Lin Huang

Leaving the City: Artist Villages in Beijing

  • Research Article
  • Cite Count Icon 138
  • 10.1111/j.1468-2427.2009.00837.x
The Consequences of the Creative Class: The Pursuit of Creativity Strategies in Australia's Cities
  • Mar 1, 2009
  • International Journal of Urban and Regional Research
  • Rowland Atkinson + 1 more

The idea of ‘creative cities’ has gained prominence amongst urban planners and policymakers who often now find links between economic development and the ‘soft’ attributes of cities. While definitions of the ‘creative industries’ and the ‘creative class’ continue to be contested, many key urban policy actors continue to focus on developing strategic programmes and policies to boost ‘creativity’ and economic growth. In this article we review recent attempts to implement creative city ideas across five Australian state capitals. Following the analysis of interview material derived from contact with 100 key community and policymaker actors, we first develop a typology of approaches to creative city ideas: concerted action, engagement and strategic drift. We then move on to consider how the idea of the creative city provides a simultaneously criticized yet powerful organizing device that informs local strategies in relation to prosperity. Our analysis highlights a series of connected consequences around four key issues: (1) arts projects and gentrification; (2) housing affordability; (3) revanchist strands to public space management; and (4) relative rates of social investment. We find that the rhetoric of universal social potential accompanying creative city ideas continues to overlook those unable to participate in this new economy, as well as those who are more actively excluded.Résumé Le concept des ‘villes créatives’ se fait plus présent auprès des urbanistes et des décideurs politiques qui, désormais, découvrent souvent des liens entre développement économique et attributs ‘non quantifiables’ des villes. Si les définitions des “industries créatives” et de la ‘classe créative’ restent contestées, nombre d'acteurs clés de la politique urbaine continuent à privilégier l'élaboration de programmes stratégiques et de politiques publiques dans le but de stimuler ‘créativité’ et croissance économique. Cet article passe en revue de récentes tentatives de mise en oeuvre d'idées propres aux ‘villes créatives’ dans cinq capitales d'États australiens. Suite à l'analyse d'entretiens tirés de contacts auprès d'une centaine de communautés et décideurs politiques prépondérants, les auteurs ont d'abord conçu une typologie des approches des idées liées aux villes créatives : action concertée, engagement et mouvement stratégique. Est ensuite étudié comment le concept de ville créative procure un outil d'organisation à la fois critiqué et solide qui éclaire les stratégies locales par rapport à la prospérité. Une série de conséquences connexes est mise en évidence autour de quatre enjeux essentiels : projets artistiques et gentrification; accessibilité financière au logement; tendances revanchistes à la gestion de l'espace public; et cadences relatives de l'investissement social. Il en ressort que le discours sur le potentiel social universel associé aux idées de ville créative néglige toujours ceux qui ne sont pas en mesure de prendre part à cette nouvelle économie, ainsi que ceux qui sont plus activement exclus.

  • Research Article
  • Cite Count Icon 4
  • 10.1016/j.ccs.2022.100440
Locality selection matters. Investigating creative hubs in the Czech urban environment
  • Mar 1, 2022
  • City, Culture and Society
  • Markéta Chaloupková + 1 more

Locality selection matters. Investigating creative hubs in the Czech urban environment

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