Abstract

Yiddish was the everyday language spoken by most Central and East European Jews during the last millennium. As a result of the extreme loss of speakers during the Holocaust, subsequent geographic dispersal, and lack of institutional support, Yiddish is now an endangered language. Yet it continues to be a native and daily language for Haredi (strictly Orthodox) Jews, who live in close-knit communities worldwide. We have conducted the first study of the linguistic characteristics of the Yiddish spoken in the community in London’s Stamford Hill. While Krogh (in: Aptroot, Aptroot et al. (eds.) Leket: Yiddish studies today, Düsseldorf University Press, Düsseldorf, pp 483–506, 2012), Assouline (in: Aptroot, Hansen (eds.) Yiddish language structures, De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin, pp 39–62, 2014), and Sadock and Masor (J Jew Lang 6(1):89–110, 2018), investigating other Hasidic Yiddish-speaking communities, observe what they describe as morphological syncretism, in this paper we defend the claim that present-day Stamford Hill Hasidic Yiddish lacks morphological case and gender completely. We demonstrate that loss of morphological case and gender is the result of substantial language change over the course of two generations: while the case and gender system of the spoken medium was already beginning to undergo morphological syncretism and show some variation prior to World War II, case and gender distinctions were clearly present in the mental grammar of both Hasidic and non-Hasidic speakers of the relevant Yiddish dialects at that stage. We conclude the paper by identifying some of the language-internal, sociolinguistic and historical factors that have contributed to such rapid and pervasive language change, and compare the developments in Stamford Hill Hasidic Yiddish to those of minority German dialects in North America.

Highlights

  • 1.1 BackgroundYiddish was the everyday language spoken by most Central and East European Jews during the last millennium

  • We demonstrate that loss of morphological case and gender is the result of substantial language change over the course of two generations: while the case and gender system of the spoken medium was already beginning to undergo morphological syncretism and show some variation prior to World War II, case and gender distinctions were clearly present in the mental grammar of both Hasidic and nonHasidic speakers of the relevant Yiddish dialects at that stage

  • Gender from the mental grammar of these speakers. In addition to these findings, we demonstrate that the loss of morphological case and gender in full noun phrases is the result of substantial language change having taken place since World War II: while the case and gender system of the spoken medium was already beginning to undergo morphological syncretism and show some variation, morphological case and gender distinctions were clearly present in the mental grammar of both Hasidic and non-Hasidic speakers of the relevant Yiddish dialects before World War II

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Summary

Background

Yiddish was the everyday language spoken by most Central and East European Jews during the last millennium. Considering that the vast majority of present-day Yiddish native speakers are Hasidic people, it is perhaps surprising that linguistic research into their speech practices is extremely scarce, and in the case of the Stamford Hill community, practically non-existent. This may be due to the fact that many scholars are unaware of the pervasive extent of Yiddish use in the Hasidic communities, or perhaps due to the degree of cultural divide between the Haredi and secular Yiddishist communities (see Nove 2018 for a strong and meticulously constructed position). This paper is the first full report in our ongoing research project studying Hasidic Yiddish, and concentrates on the language of the Stamford Hill Hasidic community, with reference to preliminary data from other communities where relevant

Short summary and roadmap
Historical versus contemporary Yiddish: background information and materials
Materials and methodology used in documenting historical varieties of Yiddish
Materials and methodology used in documenting Stamford Hill Hasidic Yiddish
Stamford Hill Hasidic Yiddish participants
Loss of gender in Stamford Hill Hasidic Yiddish
Morphological gender marking in historical written and spoken Yiddish
Loss of morphological case in Stamford Hill Hasidic Yiddish noun phrases
Morphological case marking in historical written and spoken Yiddish
Comparisons with attrition in other Germanic varieties
Speakers’ own perceptions
Findings
Conclusions
Full Text
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