Abstract
Despite a small but growing literature on gang disengagement and desistance, little is known about how social networks and changes in networks correspond to self-reported changes in street gang membership over time. The current study describes the personal or “ego” network composition of 228 street gang members in two east coast cities in the United States. The study highlights changes in personal network composition associated with changes in gang membership over two waves of survey data, describing notable differences between those who reported leaving their gang and fully disengaging from their gang associates, and those who reported leaving but still participate and hang out with their gang friends. Results show some positive changes (i.e., reductions) in criminal behavior and many changes toward an increase in prosocial relationships for those who fully disengaged from their street gang, versus limited changes in both criminal behavior and network composition over time for those who reported leaving but remained engaged with their gang. The findings suggest that gang intervention programs that increase access to or support building prosocial relationships may assist the gang disengagement process and ultimately buoy desistance from crime. The study also has implications for theorizing about gang and crime desistance, in that the role of social ties should take a more central role.
Highlights
Mounting evaluation research has shown few successes across the gang intervention landscape
We provide a descriptive picture of gang disengagement across youth living in two mid-eastern cities in the United States, with a specific focus on the social network characteristics of youth while they are in gangs and during the process of leaving and disengaging from the gang
We provide a short overview of the crime desistance literature to set the stage for a discussion of gang desistance as it relates to the process of leaving a gang
Summary
Mounting evaluation research has shown few successes across the gang intervention landscape. A former gang member might indicate that they have left the gang, but continue to hang out with members of the group, or participate in some gang activities (and is not fully disengaged) This distinction has been deemed important because research has shown that leaving a gang does not necessarily equate to leaving a life of crime (Melde and Esbensen 2014; Sweeten et al 2013). The application of developmental and life course frameworks has facilitated an understanding of the dynamic processes related to crime desistance Such frameworks provide a context for situating individuals along dimensions of continuity and change as they age and experience potential turning points. Within these frameworks, life events are unpredictable, yet salient, features that modify or influence criminal careers. The overarching reasons for crime desistance can be internal (i.e., consistent with human agency) or external (i.e., consistent with structures or events) to the individual, or provide influence through a complex interplay
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