Abstract
Health planners and managers make decisions based on their appreciation of causality. Social audits question the assumptions behind this and try to improve quality of available evidence. The method has its origin in the follow-up of Bhopal survivors in the 1980s, where “cluster cohorts” tracked health events over time. In social audit, a representative panel of sentinel sites are the framework to follow the impact of health programmes or reforms. The epidemiological backbone of social audit tackles causality in a calculated way, balancing computational aspects with appreciation of the limits of the science.Social audits share findings with planners at policy level, health services providers, and users in the household, where final decisions about use of public services rest. Sharing survey results with sample communities and service workers generates a second order of results through structured discussions. Aggregation of these evidence-based community-led solutions across a representative sample provides a rich substrate for decisions. This socialising of evidence for participatory action (SEPA) involves a different skill set but quality control and rigour are still important.Early social audits addressed settings without accepted sample frames, the fundamentals of reproducible questionnaires, and the logistics of data turnaround. Feedback of results to stakeholders was at CIET insistence – and at CIET expense. Later social audits included strong SEPA components. Recent and current social audits are institutionalising high level research methods in planning, incorporating randomisation and experimental designs in a rigorous approach to causality.The 25 years have provided a number of lessons. Social audit reduces the arbitrariness of planning decisions, and reduces the wastage of simply allocating resources the way they were in past years. But too much evidence easily exceeds the uptake capacity of decision takers. Political will of governments often did not match those of donors with interest conditioned by political cycles. Some reforms have a longer turnaround than the political cycle; short turnaround interventions can develop momentum. Experience and specialisation made social audit seem more simple than it is. The core of social audit, its mystique, is not easily taught or transferred. Yet teams in Mexico, Nicaragua, Canada, southern Africa, and Pakistan all have more than a decade of experience in social audit, their in-service training supported by a customised Masters programme.
Highlights
Health planners and managers make decisions based on their appreciation of causality
Methods development and lessons Methods developed over the 25 years fall into three generations of social audit reflecting the shifts in demand and supply of evidence for planning
We show elsewhere [106] how population weighted raster maps help to communicate evidence from social audits, especially for non-numerate audiences and settings where broadcasting the average indicator for a sensitive topic is an obstacle to dissemination of evidence (Figure 5)
Summary
Our particular approach to social audit combines community engagement and modern epidemiology to evaluate causality in public services and, while doing this, the approach helps to build the community voice into planning. Accuracy of decisions that result from the use of epidemiological methods can give meaning and volume to the community voice, increasing confidence of civil society in its participation in governance and service reform. This planning of local actions and seeing their benefits is the basis of controlled trials. We provide the country, year, topic, sample size and sample domain. It summarises the main results and conclusions of each social audit.
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