Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Abstract

Labib W. Kamhawi, The Palestinian Cause and the Israeli Problem: A New Vision (Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies, 2022). 128 pp. ISBN 978-9953-82-992-0There is an Arab consensus or almost complete unanimity that the Zionist presence in the Arab region is the basis of all the problems that plague the area and threaten international stability and peace. Thus, the prosperity and stability of the Arab world depends on changing this racist state and freeing occupied Palestinian and Arab land. This Arab position has always been consistent in viewing the Zionist occupation as an existential threat to Palestinians and Arabs alike.However, this unified Arab position on the Israeli occupation has been shaken, if not considerably undermined, by several key events. These include the signing of the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel in 1978 and the disengagement of Egypt from the Arab–Israeli conflict; the signing of the Oslo Accords between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel in 1993; and by the Wadi Araba Treaty between Jordan and Israel in 1994. Many observers argue that Israel has made use of these agreements to weaken Arab solidarity through normalizing its relations with some Arab countries. It has also blocked the two-state solution through the Oslo Accords that granted limited powers to the Palestinian Authority (PA), which found itself isolated in the city of Ramallah in the West Bank under an unannounced Israeli embargo and unable to resume negotiations with Israel, which has refused to halt its settlement project, undermining the two-state solution. For Israel, the main purpose of the Oslo Accords was to create the security coordination with the PA rather than establishing an independent Palestinian state.In sum, overt and free normalization of relations between some Arab countries and Israel and the failure of the Oslo Accords to achieve any significant progress in the peace process due to continued Israeli settlement building have led to a serious decline of public interest in the Palestinian cause, and consequently to implicit Arab acknowledgement of surrender to Israeli occupation and the relinquishment of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.Hence, Labib Kamhawi presents a new vision of what must be done to deal with the Israeli occupation in light of the available options. He highlights Palestinian national constants and the flaws afflicting the Palestinian cause at the hands of the Israeli occupation as well as the Palestinian leadership and some Arab regimes, which have resorted to the Oslo option and chosen the path of normalization as an alternative to struggle and resistance in its various forms to preserve the Palestinian and Arab rights.In this respect, the author of the book presents a new Palestinian manifesto in which he stresses that Palestine is part of the Arab world, and it is the homeland of the Palestinian Arabs, despite the strength of the Zionist occupation and its settlement projects and continuing displacement of the Palestinians. He also affirms that the historical Palestinian national constants, as stated in the Palestinian National Charter of 1964, belong to the Palestinian people and future generations, rather than to the PA or any Palestinian or Arab leadership. Therefore, no Palestinian or Arab leadership has the right to renounce the “Palestinian constants” partially or wholly. The new manifesto also affirms that all forms of occupation should be rejected. The Oslo Accords and the resulting security coordination with the Israeli occupation should be abolished. Adhering to the right of resistance in its various forms should also persist as long as the Palestinian people are under occupation.The manifesto warns that the Arab countries rushing into normalization with Israel are aiding it in seeking Arab recognition of its occupation of the land of Palestine. The manifesto also stresses the need for a strategic alliance and cooperation with regional and international powers such as China and India to mobilize support for the Palestinian cause, as American strategic support for Israel and the Zionist movement is currently stable and not expected to change in the foreseeable future.■■■■Nassif Nassar, The Book of Ishtar: On Dress and the Body (Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies, 2022). 288 pp. ISBN 9789953829982This book comes in the form of a philosophical dialogue about the phenomenon of dress, accessories, and their place in people’s lives in general. It deals with dress as a universal human phenomenon, with its multiple attached philosophical elements such as the issue of the self, the body and the ego, of nudity, beauty and happiness, values and morals, culture and art, and gender equality.Why do we not go naked? What is the reality of dress in the human world and its functions? What can be said about issues of decency and the social sphere? How do we understand the issue of privacy and the body? And how do we think of it? What can be said about gender equality? What is the position of philosophy regarding the capitalist system’s view of fashion as a commercial commodity controlled by its producer? How should we think of capitalism and the question of happiness? What can be said about the issue of nudity and its meaning in our existence? These questions and overlapping topics find their answers in the philosophical dialogue emerging from this work by Nassif Nassar.In general, three basic dimensions of dress are identified by Nassar: dress in its social dimension, dress in its individual dimension, and dress in its commercial dimension. The dialogue pertaining to these dimensions expands to discuss the issue of dress and nudity, starting with the problem of integration and conflict between human individuality and social norms that usually limit the freedom of the individual.■■■■Abdul Hassan Asfour Al Shammari, The Crisis of Distribution and the Performance of the Iraqi Political System after the Year 2003 (Beirut: Dar Al-Rafidain, 2022), 264 pp. ISBN 9789922671123This book assesses the performance of the Iraqi political system after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its failure to address the various political, economic, and social crises that it faced, basing its assessment on the concept of political development as stipulated by Lucien W. Bey. According to this concept, no political development in a country is likely expected, unless its political system has the ability to deal with various crises it might face, namely: the crisis of identity, the crisis of legitimacy, the crisis of political participation, the crisis of penetration distribution, and the crisis of integration and amalgamation.Dealing with crisis of identity, several related issues can be addressed such as matters pertaining to cultural heritage, pluralism, diversity, and difference. The main reasons for the crisis of identity may involve the failure to address ethnic differences and the sharp class divisions between various groups in one society, in addition to the lack of confidence in the national identity.As for the legitimacy crisis, it is mainly related to citizens’ rejection of the imposed political systems and the ruling elites, as a result of repression practiced by these ruling regimes against the population and the absence of a peaceful transfer of power.With regard to the crisis of political participation, it often results from the prohibition of various components of society to participate in political decisions, a matter that leads to their marginalization or exclusion from public life.The crisis of penetration emerges when authority is unable to control the state’s territory, while the distribution crisis is characterized by the inability of the political system to distribute the benefits and burdens of development in an effective and fair manner that guarantees the greatest possible level of equality among citizens. The crisis of integration and amalgamation deals with the problems of linking popular policies with the work of governments, thus contributing to both the crises of political penetration and participation.The author of the book takes into consideration all aspects of the political development crises in evaluating the performance of the Iraqi political system. Yet, he focuses in particular on the distributive crisis that bears the seeds of discrimination and inequality. In this regard, the author refers to the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) which was headed by the US diplomat Paul Bremer who led the transitional period in Iraq, focusing on the “State of Iraq Administration Law for the Transitional Period” on which the drafting of the 2005 Iraqi constitution was based.Bremer dismantled the Iraqi army and agreed to form a provisional Iraqi Governing Council on a sectarian basis. The council members were also selected from among groups and individuals who supported the US invasion of Iraq. He declared that the adoption of the Iraqi constitution in 2005 aimed to establish a parliamentary system as a method of governance that would achieve democratic transition. However, the application of the sectarian quota principle, the continuation of the conflict between various confessional leaders, and the exclusion of a large segment of the population and leaders from participating in political life on the grounds that they belonged to the outlawed Baath Party, led to a distribution crisis and thus to a weak political system unable to represent the interests of various social groups and deal effectively with the basic national challenges, exacerbated by regional and international factors unfavorable to the stability, security, and prosperity of Iraq.■■■■Anoud Habashneh, Chinese Foreign Policy towards the Arab Region: A Vision for the Future (Amman: Gulf, 2022). 266 pp. ISBN 978-9923230756This book explores the future prospects of Chinese foreign policy towards the Arab region, with reference to China’s political, economic, and security vision for the Arab region, and the Arab world’s position in the great Chinese project the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The book also discusses the repercussions of the project on the future of the Arab region politically, economically, and in terms of security in light of the political debate raised by some European and Asian countries describing the initiative as a project for “neo-colonialism” or as part of “debt trap diplomacy.”The book has five chapters. The first deals with Chinese foreign policy towards the Arab region and the factors affecting it. The second and third chapters focus on the development of Sino-Arab political and economic relations. The fourth chapter revolves around the BRI, while the fifth chapter provides a vision for the future of Chinese foreign policy towards the Arab region until 2030.The author of the book studies the factors affecting the future of Arab–Chinese relations, most notably, economic factors, especially the issue of energy, the impact of the BRI on Arab foreign relations, the military factor, and the expected growth of Chinese influence in the Arab region. The author points out that Arab–Chinese relations began to develop in the twentieth century between the two World Wars as a result of the escalation of Chinese and Arab liberation movements. This stage lasted until the Chinese Revolution of 1949, which led to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, which in turn led to more political interaction between some Arab countries and China. However, China’s economic interests have become the main determinant of China’s foreign policy towards the Arab region with the growing demand for energy from the region, and the growth of its trade volume with the Arab world, which is expected to increase significantly during the next few years, at 2.5 percent until 2030. It is no secret that China, which is emerging as an effective power in the international system, has sought to develop its relations at international and regional levels, including in the Middle East, to achieve every possible progress in the implementation of the BRI.■■■■Sadiq Abdullah Al Sheikh Eid, Turkish–Qatari Relations: Foreign Policy and Regional Security (2002–2020) (Doha: Al Jazeera Centre for Studies, 2021). 203 pp. ISBN 978-605-71169-6-3This book is concerned with the development of Turkish–Qatari relations during the period 2002–20, dealing with the development of bilateral relations between the two countries politically, economically, militarily, culturally, and in terms of security. The book explores their positions on security and political issues in the Middle East and the repercussions of regional conflicts on their relations.The author of the book assumes that relations between the two countries are governed by similar ideological backgrounds, common political visions, national interests, and security concerns. They both suffer from local and civil conflicts, proxy wars, and an increasing tension between regional powers, especially between Iran and Israel. In addition, the interventions of the world’s great powers in the area, which has made the strategic security dimension an important determinant of the relationship between all the countries of the region along with other political and economic dimensions, has also affected the two countries.The importance of studying the relation between Turkey and Qatar, as the author argues, consists of the model it provides for how to study the relations between two countries of different sizes and populations which can nevertheless be mutually beneficial to each other. Turkey is a rising regional power and has played a greater role in the area during the past two decades, while Qatar is a small country in terms of area and population, but it has great financial resources, important media capabilities, and an active foreign policy.On the bilateral level, the Turkish–Qatari collaboration is based on several factors, including the personal friendship between the leaders of the two countries, common values, and economic integration, as Qatar is one of the largest exporters of natural gas in the world, while Turkey is one of its largest importers. Moreover, while Turkey has expertise in diverse areas and human resources, Qatar has the financial resources. Turkey has formed an important investment environment for Qatari investments in real estate, financial markets, and other sectors, and for its part Qatar has opened the door for Turkish companies to invest in Qatar. The common security threats also constitute one of the most important factors of harmonization between the two countries. Several agreements to sustain cooperation between the two countries in the fields of intelligence and security have been signed. It is no secret that the geostrategic location of Qatar overlooking the oil-rich Gulf has contributed to further military cooperation, which has been translated into the establishment of a Turkish military base in Qatar in order to protect its security and provide training and consultancy services needed by the Qatari armed forces.At the regional level the two countries agreed to confront the challenges facing their national security with the outbreak of “Arab Spring revolutions,” the escalation of instability in the Middle East, and external interference in the region. The Arab Spring uprisings led to the downfall of some Arab regimes, but plunged some other Arab countries—due to external interventions in Arab affairs—into bloody civil wars that spilled over to threaten stability in the whole region. Turkish military support for the Syrian opposition forces, the Turkish–Qatari consensus on cooperation with political Islam represented by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and “the Ennahda” party in Tunisia (Renaissance Movement Party), and the Turkish military intervention in Libya are but a few examples that signify the two countries’ efforts to confront the instability that prevailed in the region following the Arab uprisings.However, Turkish support for Qatar in its crisis with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Egypt, and Bahrain—not to mention their agreement to limit Iranian expansion in the region—is one of the most prominent developments that sustained greater cooperation between the two countries. This collaboration has been translated to the military field, as Qatar expressed interest in the Turkish defense industries. In the economic field, the two countries sought to raise the volume of their trade exchange to reach US$5 billion. The two countries also affirmed that they would jointly face the challenges posed by the Eastern Mediterranean Alliance, which includes Israel, Greece, Cyprus, and other countries. In addition, both countries expressed a common interest in dealing with the Palestinian cause, in light of their relationships with various Palestinian factions, including Hamas in Gaza, on the one hand, and their stand on Israel, on the other.■■■■Alaa Al-Jabali and Rana Siblini (Eds), Arabic and Knowledge: Readings in the Present and Future of Language (Beirut: Dar Al-Mashreq, 2022). 252 pp. ISBN 978-2-7214-6036-3Rarely can a nation establish and succeed in its intellectual and cultural renaissance endeavor without having its own language that carries its identity and constitutes a receptacle for its intellectual and scientific production. Hence, this book deals with Arabic as a main language in the acquisition and production of knowledge, and sheds light on some of the most prominent challenges related to the issue of intellectual production in the Arabic language. It diagnoses the defects in Arab scientific research and attempts to provide some inroads in dealing with obstacles that may prevent knowledge production in Arabic from meeting the requirements of advanced scientific research, recognizing that texts in the Arabic language are nearly completely absent from the fields of scientific and technical research. It is mainly used in the completion of research related to Sharia sciences and some fields of human and social sciences, due to the lack of conviction and trust in scientific research programs in most Arab institutions.The book’s ten research papers seek to strengthen the status of Arabic language in intellectual and cognitive production. The book seeks to improve translation, linguistic terminology, and support standardized tests and cultural studies. It also presents practical case studies in Arab and foreign universities that adopt the perspective of improving the status of Arabic as a language for acquiring and producing knowledge. The authors also deal with general issues, such as the traditional curricula on which school education is based, where language is not treated as a vital tool, but rather as a rigid template, often confusing the student. They address the issue of the lack of integration between school, home, and society, as the language differs in relation to these different environments.The book suggests conducting diagnostic tests for university students to probe their ability to use Arabic in cognitive contexts. It takes into account the need for practical policies to support relations between language and knowledge production, based on applied experiences, and to develop means to raise the efficiency of researchers in the Arabic language for academic and professional purposes to enhance its position in the expression of thought, in addition to developing the role of technology in raising the efficiency of teaching and learning.