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Abstract
The article revisits the issue of the political functionality and social organization in Caucasian de facto entities. Basing on theoretical approaches regarding the phenomenon of unrecognized states, the paper examines cases of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) with the focus on internal and external factors, including historical legacy, system of power, weakness of the mother state as well as support of the metropolitan state. It concludes that de facto entities demonstrate the vitality of their societies and political maturity, but their future depends mostly on international politics.
Highlights
The article revisits the issue of the political functionality and social organization in Caucasian de facto entities
This paper is devoted to the political systems of Caucasian de facto entities, that despite individual specificity present many common features, such as regularities in the development of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh after the announcement of independence in the early 1990s
According to Pal Kolstø’s theoretical research that since de facto entities are not supported by international recognition, they must be sustained by internal factors [Kolstø 2006: 723–740], the following paper examines various aspects of the political systems of Caucasian de facto entities: external conditions, infernal conditions and main features of political systems
Summary
The lack of international recognition is the main factor that makes the political systems of de facto entities different from the systems of other states in the Caucasus region. The position in the system of power of the presidents of de facto entities and fully recognized Caucasian states is similar and dominant over other institutions. They are the heads of states and exercise executive power;. The governments have limited rights and fully depend on the presidents; in the light of that, ‘military regimes’ of de facto states are based not on the system of institutions but on personal factors and the staffing of main state offices; the constitutions of each de facto entity recognize local self-government as an initial level of self-determination. There have even been serious constitutional crises that were overcome by local societies in a better way than in many other post-Soviet states
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