Bermain-main dengan Aturan Keluar Batas Negara: Praktik dan Perlawanan Warga Perbatasan terhadap Upaya Pendisplinan di Desa Aji Kuning

This paper delves into the dynamic interplay between Iranian rap music and its audience within Iran's socio-political context, marked by stringent censorship and authoritarianism. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from James C. Scott and Pierre Bourdieu, the study explores Iranian rap as a medium for 'hidden transcripts'—a subtle form of resistance against oppressive structures. Through qualitative analysis, including participant observation and in-depth interviews with Iranian rap listeners, the research uncovers the genre's emotional impact and its implications for individual and collective identity, cultural continuity, and political resistance. The findings reveal that Iranian rap music resonates deeply with Iranian youth, providing empowerment, solidarity, and a sense of community. It articulates a narrative of resistance, reflecting the complex interplay between fear and courage, nostalgia and loss, hope and aspiration. The music becomes a vehicle for expressing not only immediate frustrations but also broader societal aspirations. This paper contributes to the discourse on music as a form of cultural resistance, highlighting Iranian rap's role in shaping cultural identity and agency. It underscores the genre's significance in navigating life under a repressive regime and offers insights into how art can reflect and influence a society's socio-political dynamics. The study affirms the transformative potential of music, suggesting that creative expressions of resistance can foster hope and inspire collective action towards a more open and just society.The findings reveal that Persian rap music resonates deeply with Iranian youth, providing empowerment, solidarity, and a sense of community. It articulates a narrative of resistance, reflecting the complex interplay between fear and courage, nostalgia and loss, hope and aspiration. The music becomes a vehicle for expressing not only immediate frustrations but also broader societal aspirations. This paper contributes to the discourse on music as a form of cultural resistance, highlighting Persian rap's role in shaping cultural identity and agency. It underscores the genre's significance in navigating life under a repressive regime and offers insights into how art can reflect and influence a society's socio-political dynamics. The study affirms the transformative potential of music, suggesting that creative expressions of resistance can foster hope and inspire collective action towards a more open and just society.

Weber's definition of power includes the existence of a social relationship, but also a possibility of resistance and, consequently, a conflict with it. The resistance to the enforcement of the will on the part of the side with power takes various forms: violent and non-violent, individual, and collective. In sociology, peasantry is seen as a social class without power, that is, the one that always stands opposite powerful social forces, which exert their will over it. In this paper, the authors pay attention to everyday forms of resistance used by peasantry and analyzed by J. Scott, an American researcher. Historically speaking, the Serbian peasantry used everyday forms of resistance as well, especially during the periods of foreign domination. Everyday forms of resistance can also be observed in some other powerless social entities. The consciousness of social actors usually does not go beyond the understanding of open forms of (violent) resistance. Besides these open forms of resistance (macro politics), however, there has always been the micro politics of resistance, that is, the everyday forms of resistance, especially practiced by traditional peasantry. In this paper, we focus on the hidden transcript (Scott) of the traditional Serbian peasantry, using the funny folk tales as a sociological material. Resistance can be understood as the other side of power, always present in relations of power, even though in various forms. Traditional peasantry, being a social class without power, often uses everyday forms of resistance and, at the same time, forms a special kind of its own ideology, a hidden transcript. Among other things, a hidden transcript includes folk songs, folk tales, etc. From funny folk tales of the traditional Serbian peasantry we can understand how the peasantry saw their relation with the oppressors (the Turks and others). In these tales it was especially important to show that peasants are cleverer than the oppressors, since the violent means were in the hands of the Turks. Once the situation had changed, the open resistance took place of everyday forms, and the power relation changed as well. The wider meaning and explanatory use of the concept of everyday forms of resistance can be seen in the fact that they can be used for understanding and explanation of behavior of any powerless group.

Characterize the technical cooperation of Colombia with four bordering countries and determine the training needs of the binational technical groups (BTGs). Qualitative investigation based on document review and information provided by key actors in this field. To explore training needs, a survey of Colombia-Ecuador BTGs was conducted. Further information was obtained through discussion groups. Deductive and inductive categorization techniques were applied, as well as convergence using the triangulation method. Eighteen agreements/conventions and the documentation from 12 borderarea health cooperation projects were obtained. The majority of the projects involved multilateral cooperation. The two priority cooperation topics were the International Health Regulations and Millennium Development Goals 6 and 7. The BTGs considered training in management, health diplomacy, and capacity-building necessary for cooperation in border areas. The border areas exhibited complex intervention scenarios, where international law and foreign policy have defined cooperative actions. In determining the training for BTGs, the national and international regulatory framework and context of the border areas should be taken into account.

The border issue has always been a problem that continues to be debated by every country. One of the issues that are important but rarely highlighted is social issues that involve relations and interactions between people in bordering countries. As happened in Motaain, the border between Indonesia and Timor Leste. The separation of the two regions after the 1999 East Timor Popular Consultation resulted in various traditions and indigenous cultures being transformed into cross-border cultures. This transformation occurred because previously the two boundary communities came from the same culture. This can be explored from three aspects: historical, cultural, and genealogical ties. Separation of the country does not eliminate cultural relations and interactions even though they have different citizenship statuses. Cross-border culture creates harmonization of border communities so that horizontal conflicts at the border can be minimized. However, cross-border culture needs state control because it risks territorial sovereignty, as well as having loopholes for certain elements to exploit to create transnational violations and crimes. This issue has become the concern of the two countries in controlling people across the border. State policies that negotiate with culture as well as negate previous opinions that see the state as the sole actor in managing boundaries. The state does not have to control borders with power, but it can also be done by giving space for its citizens to interpret borders with cross-border culture

Introduction: In the regulation of law enforcement, especially law enforcement in the sea area at the state border, almost all laws and regulations have accommodated the authority of each institution in carrying out law enforcement in the state border area, therefore it must be carried out properly so that it can realize security in the state border area.
 Purposes of the Research: To analyze regulations related to law enforcement in the sea area in the border area of ​​the State
 Methods of the Research: The type of research used in this paper is in the form of normative juridical legal research, namely legal research regarding the regulation of authority and the implementation of the authority given by positive legal provisions factually in each particular legal event that occurs in the border area of ​​the State, the research approach used is statutory approach, the sources of legal materials used are secondary and tertiary sources of legal materials and the collection of legal materials in this study is normative juridical.
 Results Originality of the Research: The results of the study show that regulations related to law enforcement in the border areas of special states of the sea have overlapping arrangements. The government and local governments in the border areas in carrying out law enforcement in the state border areas in the sea area have not been maximal in law enforcement, partly because of the limited law enforcement infrastructure in the state border area with the area of ​​the state border which is not directly proportional to the number of law enforcement personnel who is in the field. Law enforcement in national border areas as regulated in laws and regulations is not effective because there is no integrated synchronization and coordination in carrying out law enforcement in the country's border areas

The country's border areas are not immune from threats to national defense, both traditionally and non-traditionally. One of the country's border areas is Entikong, which is located in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. This area is directly adjacent to the State of Sarawak, East Malaysia. State border areas tend to be considered vulnerable to military threats such as territorial invasions. However, territorial defense can be threatened by non-traditional threats that can affect state sovereignty through the nationalism of its people. This study uses qualitative methods by analyzing primary and secondary data from field observations, interviews, and the results of focus group discussions with a number of informants who have been determined using a purposive technique. Non-traditional security problems in the Entikong area are people's economic problems, narcotics smuggling, foreign commodities, identity crises, and others that can affect state sovereignty and people's sense of nationalism. There are challenges in efforts to deal with non-traditional security issues, such as from the aspects of budget, technology, area size, to inter-agency coordination. Therefore, not only the military aspect, currently non-traditional threats need special attention. Seeing that the biggest threat is from the economic aspect, the improvements that can be made to prevent threats to state sovereignty are derived from the economic aspect and defense efforts by authorized state institutions. This requires coordination, commitment and support from the central/provincial/regional government, military and local civil society.

Ever since the Commission Kroes in 1992 concludes that the Ministry of LNV must make major changes, away from the hard and strongly top-down mode of steering and way of working, the consecutive ministers of LNV engage in an urge to innovate the countryside policy by launching new and ambitious policy plans. Repeatedly new plans are presented as novelties with major ambitions and yet minor implementing powers. This has triggered my interest in understanding more of the processes that leads to new plans and how the implementation is conducted. The knowledge gap covered is the need for more insights into how innovation policies work in practice. The study covers not only the official storyline but also the stories from behind the scenes of officialdom; e.g. the public and the hidden transcripts (Scott, 1990). The aim is to enhance our understanding of how public policy innovation processes of the Ministry of LNV work. The study covers an investigation of plans from three consecutive minsters of LNV in the period 1994-2006, and their bumpy road of implementation, when many forces are pulling in various directions, forces influenced by ambiguity, various forms of struggle and reciprocity. We then cannot just take official communication at face value as such information might differ greatly with narratives from unofficial settings. The study covers matters of why and how the public innovations are carried out and what they deliver in terms of achievements. The narrative is structured using the concepts public and hidden transcripts (Scott, 1990). Scott developed this understanding of power relations which he used to analyse power relations among peasants, enslaved and other oppressed people. Public transcripts are the official stories of the dominant rulers of policy and the action that is openly avowed to the other party. The hidden transcripts are the stories told offstage. This is however not a situation where the official story is false, and the offstage transcript is true. They have both their own roles to play, in their own scenery. The interplay between the transcripts is essential for the understanding.It is shown that results are hard to achieve due to often hidden resistance, leading to a lack of clarity, struggle for influence and insufficient collaboration, but the Ministry of LNV does open up the agenda to more than just agriculture, and new ways of working are introduced. The recommendations are based on a need to produce less plans and more implementation. As simple as this sounds, as hard it is in reality, which we have seen in this study. For future policy innovation ambitions and practice, three interlinked recommendations are presented. First, establish shared understandings of problems by the inclusion of ambiguity, reciprocity and struggle. Second, develop breeding ground for joint experiences to enhance the social capital. Third, invest in governance crafting by acknowledging convoluted institutions and celebrate small wins.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Social Movements in Organizations

This article investigates and identifies the involvement of stakeholders, analyzes internal and external factors that influence the planning of country border areas, and formulates strategies and programs for developing national border areas. This study used qualitative methods with IFE, EFE, IE and SWOT analysis. Data collection was carried out by observation, interviews, documentation study, literature study, and FGDs. The number of informants was 13 people who are competent and chosen deliberately. The results of this study indicate that the country border area is in a medium internal and external position, meaning that the border area of the country is in quadrant V, the strategy in quadrant V is to hold and maintain. Quadrant V indicates that the border area has developed and needs to be maintained. Therefore, the right grand strategies to be applied are market penetration and product development.Strategies and programs for developing country border areas with the Strengths-Opportunities strategies are mapping and polarization of tourist attractions, maximizing the types and diversity of tourism products in the border areas of the country, and evaluating cross-border festivals. Development programs by Weaknesses-Opportunities analysis are dissemination and training for human resource development particularly for the local people, construction of public facilities, tourism infrastructure, and coordination between stakeholders, and development programs. Meanwhile, by Weaknesses-Threats analysis, namely focus group discussions, seminars, workshops, entrepreneurship training, formal education for the local youths, security and cleanliness of tourist attractions, and regulatory evaluation.
 Keywords: Regional planning, tourist destinations, country borders

This chapter contests the curious intermediate position, both in time and space, assigned to States-Brabant, a piece of territory fought over long and hard but at the same time apparently also left to largely fend for itself. According to historians in Brabant, to all intents and purposes, States- Brabant formed a mere Dutch colony ruled by foreigners. In fact, what the author argues is quite the opposite: due to the decentralized structure of the Dutch Republic in general and the peculiar nature of States-Brabant, this region was largely left to its own devices as if time had stood still since the Middle Ages. The fact that States-Brabant developed into a border area in the cause of the second half of the sixteenth century meant safeguarding it became of prime concern, altering the size and shape of its cities for defensive purposes. Keywords: border country; Breda; divided loyalties; Raad van Brabant; States-Brabant

The special issue examines the paradox of visible and hidden resistance in dangerous contexts, exploring the conditions under which dissenting practices emerge and the effects they generate. Latin America is marked by deep economic and political inequalities, perpetuated through repressive practices inherited from authoritarian regimes. Despite democratic transitions, these practices have not disappeared; rather, they have shifted into more localised forms of repression, targeting residents and activists who oppose urban renewal projects, the expansion of agricultural frontiers, large-scale energy exploitation, or activities deemed illegal. In this context—where violence, intimidation and abuse persist in both urban and rural areas, in workplaces and factories—it becomes essential to understand the conditions that enable resistance to take shape. While extreme coercion typically reduces the likelihood of contention, mobilisation has not only persisted but also evolved in response to repression, adapting to shifting political landscapes and new forms of criminalisation (Varela Huerta and McLean, 2019). Collective action is often organised within specific timeframes and led by established actors considered ‘legitimate’, such as NGOs, social organisations and unions with local roots, who engage with the state or corporations. However, beyond these structured mobilisations, resistance also unfolds through hidden practices among marginalised groups (Scott, 1990). While both visible and discreet forms of contention have been documented in resistance repertoires elsewhere (e.g., Caouette and Turner, 2009), little is known about how affected populations in Latin America experience and navigate repression in their daily lives. This issue seeks to fill that gap by highlighting pragmatic resistance practices and strategies shaped by a ‘dealing with’ approach. These actions operate along a continuum, from invisible tactics—often socially delegitimised due to their perceived archaic nature, such as rumours or accusations of witchcraft—to deliberate strategies of self-visibility aimed at protection against criminalisation. This nuanced perspective is grounded in qualitative research based on extensive fieldwork in national contexts where activist criminalisation is a pressing concern. The articles on this issue examine the distinct tactics ordinary people employ to navigate repression. In the first article, Léa Lebeaupin-Salamon explores how Brazilian mining trade unionists resisted corporate oppression. Confronted with an environment dominated by the extractive industry, activists combined visible and covert practices to sustain their fight against injustice. For those resisting intimidation, activism extends beyond the political arena, permeating both professional and personal lives. The second article examines ‘dissenting implementation’, a visible yet outlawed form of resistance that lies between civil disobedience and everyday mobilisation. Luis Rivera-Vélez analyses how cannabis users and producers in Mexico self-regulate the cannabis market, enacting their vision of what cannabis policy should be despite formal prohibitions. Given the trajectories and social capital of the activists, this form of resistance has generated a set of rules that highlight the ambiguities of outlaw activism highly visible to the authorities. The third article investigates the impact that cocaine production and trafficking has on Indigenous populations in the Peruvian Amazon. Hernán Manrique López argues that resistance in this context is often more pragmatic than strategically planned. Given Peru's strong centralisation, weak legal protections for Indigenous communities, and limited activist networks, resistance takes the form of tactical manoeuvres and daily survival practices that, paradoxically, may reinforce the criminalisation of community members. Finally, in another study in Peru, Dorothée Delacroix examines how villagers deal with pressures to embrace reconciliation, even at the risk of opposing pacification processes. By analysing underestimated subjectivities—such as rumours, suspicions of witchcraft and accusations of poisoning—she highlights ongoing resentment linked to past crimes and denunciations from the period of political violence. Moving beyond the work of institutionalised NGOs promoting conciliation policies, Delacroix explores the role of everyday violence in rural post-conflict Peru. Together, these articles reveal that visibility and secrecy may function as both swords and shields against the criminalisation of activism, shaping the landscape of resistance in Latin America. The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to privacy or ethical restrictions.

Various forms of state power are associated with various forms of resistance. This article argues that there is not only a Western or non-Western form of state power, but also the corresponding Western and non-Western forms of political resistance. Methodologically, the article is based on a semantic-pragmatic approach to the formation of concepts. This article clarifi es the concept of “non-Western political resistance.” First, the semantics of this concept is determined through a review of relevant scientifi c literature, namely the works of M. Foucault, M. Mann, I. Neumann and J. Habermas, and then using it studies Zomia as a case of a non-Western form of resistance. As a result of the conceptual study, the following conclusions can be made. Western forms of state power are based on governmentality or infrastructural power. Such governance methods give rise to their corresponding Western strategies of political resistance, based on the deliberative form of democracy as the closest to democracy based on communicative rationality. Non-Western forms of state power are understood as governance practices based on disciplinary or despotic power. They give rise to forms of non-Western resistance corresponding to them, which include either the desire to physically move away from state control in geographically inaccessible areas (the case of Zomia), or protest resistance up to civil wars and terrorism.

Indonesia is the largest archipelagic country on the Asian continent, with more than 17,000 islands. The government has yet to identify many small and outermost islands in detail. Identifying these outer islands further emphasizes the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia regarding the location of the country's borders. Border areas are an essential aspect because they are a marker of a country's jurisdiction. Border areas are an arena for interactions between global and local communities that occur every day. Indonesia has several disputes with neighboring countries about the outer islands directly adjacent to it. Sebatik Island is one of the disputed islands. Meanwhile, Indonesia obtained its territory according to colonial jurisdiction. Sebatik Island which was obtained based on the Uti Possidetis principle. The research method used is normative juridical, examining library materials through norms, rules, legal principles, and doctrine. Among them are the Technical Aspects of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (TALOS) and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). This paper examines Indonesia's potential to defend Sebatik Island using the Uti Possidetis principle. This principle holds that the territories of former colonies should be recognized as independent states with the same borders they had before colonization. By invoking this principle, Indonesia sought to assert its rightful claim to Sebatik Island and protect its sovereignty. Many countries have recognized this legal precedent, and have been used to resolve other border disputes worldwide.

The central purpose of this study is to conduct a scientific analysis of the influence of technological innovations on crime mitigation and the enhancement of public security in the border zone of Brazil. This examination aims to understand how the adoption of cutting-edge technologies can contribute to reducing criminal activity and strengthening security in the country's border areas. This study is of great relevance as it seeks to assess the importance of implementing the Integrated Border Monitoring System (SISFRON) as a preventive and repressive measure against crimes in the border regions between Brazil and other Latin American countries. SISFRON is essential as it integrates the Armed Forces, government agencies, and federative states, playing a crucial role in National Defense. The methodology employed in this work is based on a deductive approach, involving qualitative bibliographic and documentary research. The analysis of institutional documents, mapping of key actors from institutions involved in border protection, and investigating their role in promoting public security and defending Brazilian borders are fundamental steps in this research. By concluding this study, it is expected to confirm that SISFRON emerges as a significant tool of the National Defense Policy. It not only focuses on internal security and strengthening territorial defense in border areas but also serves as a link for cooperation between neighboring countries, enabling the sharing of information and joint actions in combating various forms of transboundary illicit activities.

Fishing in the territorial waters of another country carried out without the permission of the country concerned is a crime called illegal fishing. Many cases of illegal fishing occur in the country's border areas, as happened in the northern waters of Australia which is the border between Indonesia and Australia. Border areas between countries are prone to fishing actions carried out without the permission of the relevant country. Traditional Indonesian fishermen arrested by Australian government authorities for illegal fishing are then tried under Australian law. But basically the Indonesian Government has the authority to ask the Traditional Fishermen to be tried under the applicable law in Indonesia. Such actions are referred to as passive national principles, which are among the principles recognized by international law. In the application of this principle is also based on the agreement established between the two countries, in this case the extradition treaty. The research method used by the author is a quantitative research method that produces descriptive results with an analytical descriptive literature study approach sourced from previous research and books.