Abstract

O n April 13, 1972 Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik declared that he was fully confident that the Nixon-Chou En-lai Shanghai communique of February 27, 1972 really covered the topics that had actually been discussed by the American President and the Chinese premier. Malik added that he hoped, however, that the Nixon visit to China would reduce the number of powers launching in Southeast Asia. If People's China ceased to launch subversion in Indonesia, then Indonesia would consider the Nixon visit to Peking beneficial for her, Malik was quoted saying.' Apart from its skepticism about the Shanghai communique, Malik's statement was perhaps particularly noteworthy because of its renewed charge of Chinese in Indonesia. Such a charge has been Indonesia's diplomatic stock in trade in recent years, and without a doubt the allegation of Chinese subversion colors Djakarta's perception of the Nixon initiatives toward improving Sino-American relations. For example, shortly after the announcement of President Nixon on July 15, 1972, that he would visit mainland China, Malik, in a press statement in Dj akarta, said that while normalizing relations between Djakarta and Peking would not be as difficult between Communist China and the USA, Indonesia could not sacrifice its integrity and respect a nation, because Sino-Indonesian relations could only be normalized if and when China ceases the subversive acts which, the evidence which has come into Indonesian possession indicates, are being instigated by Peking.2 This evidence, according to the same assertion by Malik, showed Communist Chinese involvement in the Communist guerilla insurgency in Sarawak and along the Indonesian-Sarawak border. These and many other similar official Indonesian pronouncements might suggest that the state of frigid suspension in which Sino-Indonesian diplomatic relations have found themselves since October 1967 when, reciprocally, the entire diplomatic staffs of both countries were withdrawn, is likely to

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