Abstract

Rampant and severe violence has been a disturbing characteristic of Indonesia since the crisis of 1997-1998. According to official statistics, 5,406 com mercial buildings and 1,026 houses were damaged during the May Riot of 1998 in Jakarta alone.1 Large and small riots, sometimes leading to chaotic collective violence — often against the wealthy ethnic minority Chinese Indonesians — became almost routine events.2 Since the downfall of President Suharto, insecurity has been sometimes magnified by occa sional bombings and proactive hoodlums, who are largely outside the sphere of effective control of public order by the government.3 One of the reveal ing aspects of the reaction to these events is reflected in the recent changes in social relationships and communal physical settings in the neighbour hoods. Right after the May Riot, many areas in Jakarta, mostly the resi dential areas of mixed classes have installed collective (or communal) phys ical fences and protective iron gates. These take a different form from the gates in North American middle class gated communities and are located at all exit roads around the residential blocks.4 Not only well-known Chinese Indonesians' residential and residential-cum-commercial areas such as Kota, Mangga Dua, Kelapa Gading, Pluit of North and West Jakarta; but also other areas such as Tomang and my case study area here in Central Jakarta are gated.5 This fact may suggest that the gate phenomenon should not be viewed solely as a Chinese concern. The Chinese, whose wealth dispro portionately dominates the economy, form a minority of three to ten per cent of the total population. Beside those mentioned here, similar phe nomena are easily observable elsewhere as this has spread over the city of Jakarta, wherever there are blocks of residences for people of the middle and upper strata.6 However, not all middle and upper class residential areas are gated. Established middle and upper class areas such as Menteng and

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