Abstract

The Comprehensive Care for Joint Replacement (CJR) model is Medicare's mandatory bundled payment reform to improve quality and spending for beneficiaries who need total hip replacement (THR) or total knee replacement (TKR), yet it does not account for sociodemographic risk factors such as race/ethnicity and income. Results of this study could be the basis for a Medicare payment reform that addresses inequities in joint replacement care. To examine the association of the CJR model with racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in the use of elective THR and TKR among older Medicare beneficiaries after accounting for the population of patients who were at risk or eligible for these surgical procedures. This cohort study used the 2013 to 2017 national Medicare data and multivariable logistic regressions with triple-differences estimation. Medicare beneficiaries who were aged 65 to 99 years, entitled to Medicare, alive at the end of the calendar year, and residing either in the 67 metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) mandated to participate in the CJR model or in the 104 control MSAs were identified. A subset of Medicare beneficiaries with a diagnosis of arthritis underwent THR or TKR. Data were analyzed from March to December 2020. Implementation of the CJR model in 2016. Outcomes were separate binary indicators for whether a beneficiary underwent THR or TKR. Key independent variables were MSA treatment status, pre- or post-CJR model implementation phase, combination of race/ethnicity (non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Hispanic beneficiaries) and dual eligibility, and their interactions. Logistic regression models were used to control for patient characteristics, MSA fixed effects, and time trends. The 2013 cohort included 4 447 205 Medicare beneficiaries, of which 2 025 357 (45.5%) resided in MSAs with the CJR model. The cohort's mean (SD) age was 77.18 (7.95) years, and it was composed of 2 951 140 female (66.4%), 3 928 432 non-Hispanic White (88.3%), and 657 073 dually eligible (14.8%) beneficiaries. Before the CJR model implementation, rates were highest among non-Hispanic White non-dual-eligible beneficiaries at 1.25% (95% CI, 1.24%-1.26%) for THR use and 2.28% (95% CI, 2.26%-2.29%) for TKR use in MSAs with CJR model. Compared with MSAs without the CJR model and the analogous race/ethnicity and dual-eligibility group, the CJR model was associated with a 0.10 (95% CI, 0.05-0.15; P < .001) percentage-point increase in TKR use for non-Hispanic White non-dual-eligible beneficiaries, a 0.11 (95% CI, 0.004-0.21; P = .04) percentage-point increase for non-Hispanic White dual-eligible beneficiaries, a 0.15 (95% CI, -0.29 to -0.01; P = .04) percentage-point decrease for non-Hispanic Black non-dual-eligible beneficiaries, and a 0.18 (95% CI, -0.34 to -0.01; P = .03) percentage-point decrease for non-Hispanic Black dual-eligible beneficiaries. These CJR model-associated changes in TKR use were 0.25 (95% CI, -0.40 to -0.10; P = .001) percentage points lower for non-Hispanic Black non-dual-eligible beneficiaries and 0.27 (95% CI, -0.45 to -0.10; P = .002) percentage points lower for non-Hispanic Black dual-eligible beneficiaries compared with the model-associated changes for non-Hispanic White non-dual-eligible beneficiaries. No association was found between the CJR model and a widening of the THR use gap among race/ethnicity and dual eligibility groups. Results of this study indicate that the CJR model was associated with a modest increase in the already substantial difference in TKR use among non-Hispanic Black vs non-Hispanic White beneficiaries; no difference was found for THR. These findings support the widespread concern that payment reform has the potential to exacerbate disparities in access to joint replacement care.

Highlights

  • The 2016 Comprehensive Care for Joint Replacement (CJR) model[1] is Medicare’s mandatory bundled payment reform aimed at improving outcomes and reducing spending for older Medicare beneficiaries who need to undergo joint replacement

  • Before the CJR model implementation, rates were highest among non-Hispanic White non–dual-eligible beneficiaries at 1.25% for total hip replacement (THR) use and 2.28% for total knee replacement (TKR) use in metropolitan statistical area (MSA) with CJR model

  • Compared with MSAs without the CJR model and the analogous race/ethnicity and dual-eligibility group, the CJR model was associated with a 0.10 percentage-point increase in TKR use for non-Hispanic White non–dual-eligible beneficiaries, a 0.11 percentagepoint increase for non-Hispanic White dual-eligible beneficiaries, a 0.15 percentage-point decrease for non-Hispanic Black non–dual-eligible beneficiaries, and a 0.18 percentage-point decrease for non-Hispanic Black dual-eligible

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Summary

Introduction

The 2016 Comprehensive Care for Joint Replacement (CJR) model[1] is Medicare’s mandatory bundled payment reform aimed at improving outcomes and reducing spending for older Medicare beneficiaries who need to undergo joint replacement (ie, total hip replacement [THR] or total knee replacement [TKR]). In the absence of sociodemographic risk adjustment, hospitals may selectively avoid the use of joint replacement procedures as a treatment option for patients who are perceived to be at a greater risk of adverse outcomes and higher expenditures.[3,4,5,6] This avoidance may reduce the opportunity for beneficiaries from racial/ethnic minority groups, especially those from lower socioeconomic strata (collectively known as socially disadvantaged beneficiaries), to undergo joint replacement, thereby exacerbating the persistent disparities.[7] These concerns are supported by several factors, including complex health needs,[8] the likelihood of postoperative complications and readmissions,[9,10] and increased costs among socially disadvantaged patients; all of these factors are associated with higher spending and lower quality scores for hospitals. These mechanisms have been found to be associated with the substantially lower joint replacement rate among Black beneficiaries, especially those with lower income compared with White beneficiaries

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