Abstract
The three-way “voicing” contrast of initial stops and affricates is the most characteristic feature of Wu dialects of Chinese; however, the phonetic nature of the “voiced” category has long been a controversial issue. Earlier argument concentrated on whether the contrast of “voiced” and voiceless unaspirated consonants involved actual voicing. Since instrumental studies have shown no vocal cord vibration during the closure of either type initially in isolated monosyllabic words or in stressed position in running speech, the focus has shifted to examining other properties on which the contrast might be based. Against this background, an exploration of the role of breathy phonation has been undertaken. Word pairs contrasting initial “voiced” and voiceless unaspirated stops were recorded in four dialects of Wu from a total of 10 speakers. Measurements of the energy difference between harmonics at three points in the vowel and of air flow and air pressure during the closure and release of bilabials were made. Both types of measurements have served as tests for phonation type in other research. The results indicate that a phonation type difference does exist between “voiced” and voiceless consonants in Wu dialects initially in isolated monosyllabic words and in stressed position in running speech; however, no phonation contrast appears in unstressed position.
Published Version
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