Alternative Ways of Organising: Asian Labour’s Response to the ‘New’ Globalisation: Introduction

Abstract

Globalisation--when defined as the 'linking of distinct localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring miles away and vice versa' (Giddens 1990: 64)--is nothing new. However, the most recent wave of globalisation has distinctive features. Rather than being linked to the activity of identifiably imperialist powers such as Britain or France, post-1960s globalisation is driven by often faceless investment interests using vehicles other than the nationstate. These include transnational corporations who have no clearly identifiable home country base, and global structures such as the WTO (World Trade Organization), which have erected a 'boundaryless world' that prioritises capitals' interests over those of the nation-state or labour. This 'new globalisation' is modelled on an American style of neoliberalism under which the conduct of individuals, groups and nations is clearly dominated by economic imperatives. American neo-liberalism promotes a minimalist approach to social obligations while maximizing economic interests; it differs from the Ordo neo-liberalism practised in Europe, which combines free market ideas with the need for social welfare provisions (Emy 1993). However, both forms of neo-liberalism have had significant effects on society. Not only does neo-liberal ideology seek to eliminate restrictions and regulations such as tariffs, quotas and other tariff and non tariff barriers, it also seeks to actively construct an enterprise culture (Peters 1996), or enterprise mentality, that prioritises market or economic interests above social needs. Individualism not collectivism, user pays not social justice, become the dominant values guiding the conduct of individuals, groups and nations operating within this framework of governance as each person, group, or community of persons, aims to carve out their own 'best deal'. These principles drive the export-oriented model of industrial development (EOI) that now dominates the economies of Asia. EOI advocates argue that a reassertion of the primacy of economic growth and market interests reduces poverty and generates prosperity in newly industrialising environments (NIEs) (see Balassa 1981; Krueger 1985). The International Monetary Fund's promotion of EOI, along with the rapid growth achieved~by Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Hong Kong, encouraged other Asian countries to adopt EOI policies. As a result, EOI has become the industrial development model of choice in the region, even in previously closed or centrally managed economies such as India, Vietnam and now of course China. This pathway has been pursued with relative ease because most Asian NIE economies were governed by authoritarian or single party democratic regimes, which erected legislative and regulatory frameworks to proactively promote EOI even when social costs were incurred. Asian governments' commitment to export-driven economic growth has had serious implications for labour. Exchange controls, guarantees concerning repatriation of investment, taxation and general industry assistance schemes to attract investment were complemented by an industrial relations model characterized by restrictions on freedom of association, collective bargaining and the right to strike. These governments tightly controlled remuneration and workplace conditions to match the needs of international capital, as opposed to broader community needs. In summary, the Asian labour-management model has heightened the vulnerability of Asian workers in comparison to those working in more industrialised environments. Collective resistance is not only difficult to co-ordinate within this paradigm; it is also difficult to stimulate. However, the papers in this symposium suggest that the harsh regimes of labour control characteristic of Asia's EOI economies have not been able to eliminate labour collectivity altogether. Rather, they have encouraged novel forms of labour activism both within the tradition of unionism and beyond it. …