Abstract

This article looks at the ongoing political changes in two non-democratic regimes moving beyond the ‘authoritarian resilience’ model. Five years after the Arab Uprisings, Jordan and Algeria seem to have resisted the revolutionary wave that has shaken the whole MENA region. According to the old debate informed by ‘authoritarian resilience’ and ‘democratic transition’ models, a series of obstacles in the political, economic or social sphere would prevent a successful ‘transition’ to democracy in some countries more than in others. Despite the criticisms addressed to the classical version of these models, they still influence most of the explanations of what happened after 2011, even though in their ‘upgraded’ version (Haydemann 2007; Heydemann and Leenders 2011). However, given the specific set of challenges and transformations each of the countries is going through, this framework becomes increasingly unsatisfactory. Jordan and Algeria are two profoundly diverse countries, and yet both are quite exceptional cases in their own right. Compared to other Arab monarchies, Jordan stands between the untouched authoritarian Gulf model and the constitutional reformist path followed by Morocco (Yom 2011; Yom and Gause 2012). As for Algeria, it was the only republic in the region to be apparently not affected by the regional turmoil (Volpi 2013). Still, in order to survive the 2011 protests, both regimes were forced to approve a number of ‘facade’ reforms. This article argues that such reforms, despite being mostly formal concessions, seen from a different angle could also be a starting point for more substantial long-term transformations. After all, does a truly “resilient” authority, elite or regime really exist?

Highlights

  • This article looks at the ongoing political changes in two non-democratic regimes moving beyond the 'authoritarian resilience' model

  • Regimes tried to “cultivating support from 'counter-revolutionary' allies and working to deter criticism and punitive measures from adversaries”. While these points can explain some of the strategies adopted by many authoritarian countries in the last few years, they do not cover the variety of ongoing political transformations nor explain how things might change in the near future

  • In all its variations, 'authoritarian resilience' models still seem to consider only one main set of transformations, those leading to a 'transition' towards an ideal democratic model, and the obstacles preventing its implementation

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Summary

Introduction

This article looks at the ongoing political changes in two non-democratic regimes moving beyond the 'authoritarian resilience' model. On January 20, several opposition parties, independent unions, and organizations formed the National Coordination for Change and Democracy (NCCD), to ask the government to intervene in a series of issues such as the emergency law, the media law, the imprisonment of protesters, and the lack of job opportunities.

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