Digital technologies and their impact on economic and social spheres in Ukraine

Post-growth has emerged as an umbrella concept for various sustainability visions that prioritise the pursuit of environmental sustainability, social equity, and human wellbeing, while questioning the pursuit of economic growth. Although there are increasing calls to include post-growth scenarios in high-level assessments, there is no coherent framework that specifies what is required to model post-growth. This article addresses this gap by: (1) identifying the minimum requirements for post-growth models, and (2) establishing a set of model elements for representing post-growth policy themes. We survey post-growth modellers and draw on the post-growth literature to develop a framework of minimum requirements for post-growth models, integrating biophysical, economic, and social spheres and linking them to post-growth goals. Regarding the biophysical sphere, models should include resource use and pollution, environmental limits, and feedback mechanisms from the environment back to society, reflecting ecological embeddedness. Regarding the economic sphere, models should disaggregate households, incorporate limits to technological change and decoupling, include different types of government interventions, and calculate GDP or output endogenously. Regarding the social sphere, models should represent time use, material and non-material need satisfiers, and the affordability of essential goods and services. Specific policies and transformation scenarios require additional features, such as sectoral disaggregation or representation of the financial system. Our framework aims to guide the development of models that can simulate both post-growth and pro-growth scenarios. Such models are needed to inform policymakers and stakeholders about the full range of options for pursuing sustainability, equity, and wellbeing. • We surveyed 38 modellers to identify the elements of a post-growth model. • We propose a framework for models to adequately represent post-growth scenarios. • Post-growth models should represent the biophysical, economic, and social spheres. • Modellers should avoid embedding artificial growth dependencies. • Finance, environmental feedbacks, and non-monetary provisioning remain challenges.

This chapter describes civil society in Japan: its historical contexts, its present state, and the challenges it faces in the twenty-first century. Civil society is translated as “shimin shakai” in Japanese. Shimin means citizen and shakai means society. Shimin is a rather confusing concept because shimin refers primarily to the resident of a city. Of course, when we talk about shimin shakai or civil society, shimin does not mean resident of a city. In this chapter, I define the term “shimin” or citizen as “any people who participate in civic engagement.” Civic engagement here means participation in public life. I use the term civil society to express the structure or system of society which allows any person to become civilly engaged. Public life can be divided into three spheres: the political, economic, and social spheres. I will, among many forms of civic engagement, refer to (1) democracy, (2) liberal capitalism, and (3) voluntary organizations and philanthropy. Democracy can be seen to exist as one system of civic engagement within the political sphere. Here I use the concept of procedural democracy formulated by Joseph Schumpeter (Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy): “The central procedure of democracy is the selection of leaders through competitive election by the people they govern.” A system of civic engagement found within the economic sphere is liberal capitalism. By liberal capitalism I mean capitalism with virtue and ethics not based on market fundamentalism, in other words, capitalism with social responsibility. Lastly, civic engagement exists in the social sphere as carried out by nonprofit voluntary organizations supported by private philanthropy. It is vital for nonprofit organizations to have a voluntary fund source. Philanthropy is an act of voluntary private giving for social causes. Philanthropy is a system of civic engagement operating in the social sphere, facilitated by people in the economic sphere. The economic system which allows philanthropy by corporations, or corporate philanthropy, is liberal capitalism.

The aim of the article is to identify the risks and threats to migration security in Ukraine under martial law, as well as to develop promising directions for overcoming them, taking into account the realities of today. The article presents the author’s vision of the definitions of the concepts of «migration security», «migration challenges», «migration risks», «migration threats», identifies the characteristic features and differences of migration security, including: coverage of migration security as a component of national security, multi-level, multi-vector migration security and migration policy, the need for constant monitoring and assessment of risks and threats. An analysis of migration trends in the context of wartime realities is carried out, migration risks and threats that affect the economic, social, demographic, and educational spheres are characterized. In particular, these are: a decrease in the birth rate and a deepening of the aging of the population, the risk of deterioration in the qualitative composition of the population (demographic sphere); loss of highly skilled workforce and intellectual potential, departure of young people abroad (educational sphere); loss of labor potential, shortage of labor force in certain types of economic activity and specialties, relocation of business and withdrawal of assets abroad (economic sphere); a drop in the purchasing power of the population in Ukraine and a deterioration in well-being, the risk of a negative impact of immigrants on the national composition of the population of Ukraine and stability in society (social sphere). The priorities of ensuring migration security in Ukraine are substantiated, including: neutralization of negative emigration factors; overcoming immigration challenges; regulation of territorial movements of the population within the country and abroad; combating illegal migration; conducting an effective policy for the protection of Ukrainians abroad; re-emigration of Ukrainians. Promising directions for ensuring migration security in Ukraine are proposed, including: development of comprehensive programs for re-emigration of Ukrainian citizens; attraction of international sources of support; cooperation with international organizations in the field of studying the problem of migration security; improvement of institutional support of migration policy; monitoring of migration processes.

The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes.

Countries are dynamic social formations in which there is a constant clash and interplay between the forces of change and continuity. Capturing the essence of these complex social totalities necessitates a holistic approach that overwhelmingly concentrates on the entire political, economic, and ideological spheres. However, the vast majority of studies on Iran tend to focus solely on the dialectical relationship between reformists and conservatives when the current social dynamics of the country are analyzed. The examinations based on such a binary dichotomy not only ignore the impact of economics and ideology, but also fail to discern the essence of Iranian politics divided between parallel elected and non-elected institutions. The Islamic Republic of Iran has consolidated and institutionalized its Islamic revolution by establishing organizations, such as Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and revolutionary foundations (or the so-called Bonyads) that are functioning in the economic, political, and ideological spheres. The para-governmental character of these organizations blurs the line between public and private spheres of the country; therefore, revealing their functions and roles enables a better understanding of wider Iranian society.In this sense, Eric Lob's Iran's Reconstruction Jihad provides fresh insights into Iran since the institution that the book investigates has functioned as a revolutionary organization and later as a government ministry in the Islamic Republic. At the same time, the study enables readers to understand the parallel and dual institutional character of the Iranian state. Regarding the political, cultural, and economic functions of the Revolutionary Jihad (RJ), the book analytically represents the wider social dynamics of Iran through the political, cultural, and economic functions of the RJ. As Lob points out, RJ's organizational trajectory mirrors the Islamic Republic's broader evolution in the last four decades, reflecting (a) social changes and continuities, (b) state-society relations, (c) the Islamic Republic's centralization, consolidation, and state building, and, finally, (d) Iran's bureaucratic institutionalization and constraints/opportunities of associational life (335).Lob has produced a comprehensive study on the important yet understudied revolutionary organization and ministry. Revolutionary Jihad is a long-standing institution with its roots in the shah's regime, and through RJ's history Lob has managed to provide an overview of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a spectacular focus on the transformations in the political landscape. Lob's contribution to the scholarship lies in the fact that this is the first book-length study in English that analyzes the RJ based on primary sources. In order to explain the political and social changes and continuities that have transpired in the Islamic Republic of Iran since the revolution, the author conducted 130 interviews between 2009 and 2012 in Iran and Lebanon with government officials, revolutionary activists, war veterans, and development experts affiliated with the RJ. Lob's meticulous work, and his institutionalist approach to the history of RJ, explain the organization's role in the success of the Islamic revolution, the state's development policies, and the mobilization of the population.In the book's introduction Lob demonstrates that Iranian state differs from its Arab counterparts in the region in the sense that it is not fully based on coercive mechanisms in establishing legitimacy. In this regard, while the Arab Spring led to the overthrow of Arab leaders, who had come to power during military coups a generation earlier, the 2009 Green Movement in Iran was controlled by the revolutionary Iranian rulers. Therefore, the author asks, “If coercion did not fully explain the persistence of the Iranian state then what did?” (3). Concordantly, the book describes how revolutionary activists at the grassroots level and political officials at the state level have instrumentalized rural development and other noncoercive tactics to consolidate and maintain the power and influence of the Islamic State. In this sense, Revolutionary Jihad, as an organization instrumentalized for rural development, power consolidation, and overseas policies of the Islamic Republic, presents the most suitable case to understand the essence of the Iranian State. Established as a revolutionary organization in 1979, RJ has been active in (a) improving rural infrastructure, such as constructing bridges, roads and electricity systems and developing agricultural base; (b) determining political outcomes through political activities during election campaigns; and (c) propagating revolutionary and religious values through cultural and educational activities in the rural areas where almost the half of the Iranian population lives. In this context, Lob's detailed account of RJ also reflects state-society relations, wartime operations, bureaucratic centralization, factionalism, foreign policy, and cultural politics in Iran. In addition, the book goes beyond an analysis of Iran, since it provides valuable insights into revolutionary outcomes in other regions. Furthermore, with an analysis of the role of RJ in the Islamic Republic's foreign policy, the book also sheds light on further regional politics.Within this scope, the book examines RJ in nine chapters, which are organized chronologically and thematically. While the first six chapters put forth a detailed historical account of RJ and wider social transformations in the Islamic Republic, the following two chapters elucidate the instrumentalization of the organization in the foreign policymaking of Iran. The book's final chapter, on the other hand, not only critically elaborates on the concepts of jihadi culture and management, but also depicts the current political environment in Iran.In this sense, this book significantly advances our understanding of the Islamic Republic of Iran as it meticulously documents critical junctures in the history of RJ. Whenever Iran is concerned, there is a common tendency to believe that 1979 was a turning point that transformed all the social structures from top to bottom. However, as Lob's detailed account reveals in the first chapter, there are rooted continuities between Shah's Iran and the Islamic Republic. Through dating back the roots of RJ to 1962, starting with the shah's White Revolution, Lob identifies the continuities of rural and development policies between the shah and the Islamic Republic.As mentioned earlier, examining the parallel and dual institutional structure of the Iranian state is crucial for grasping the deeper social dynamics of the country. In chapter 2, the author's account of the official establishment of RJ as a revolutionary organization parallel to the Ministry of Agriculture in 1979 shows how in the early days of the Islamic Republic this Janus-faced state structure was constructed. Moreover, by demonstrating RJ's contribution to the suppression of leftist factions in the revolutionary process, Lob provides fresh insights into how the Islamic Republic instrumentalized revolutionary organizations to consolidate its political power.It should be noted that the new revolutionary state eliminated its rivals not only through coercive mechanisms but also through its development policies. As Lob analytically argues in chapter 3, while IRGC acted as a hard power to eliminate internal and external opponents of the Islamic revolution, RJ as a soft power integrated all segments of Iranian society into the revolution with its development policies in the early post-revolutionary years. This process has resulted in the consolidation of RJ as an institutional mechanism and its transformation from a revolutionary organization into a ministry. With this analysis, Lob presents how state-making in the Islamic Republic was intertwined with revolutionary practices and institutions.In fact, the Islamic Republic consolidated its power through para-governmental organizations such as IRGC, RJ, and various Bonyads. This is why those para-governmental organizations formed the core institutional structure of the new state. Therefore, it is very interesting that RJ as a revolutionary organization was demobilized and institutionalized as a government ministry, but not as a para-governmental organization. The author examines the reasons behind this policy in chapter 4, where he concentrates on the role of factionalism in the bureaucratization of RJ. Moreover, the writer cogently argues that factionalism in the case of RJ, with its expansion and centralization as a ministry, reflects factionalism in the larger state.Even though RJ was institutionalized as a ministry, it established close connections with those other para-governmental organizations during the course of the Islamic Republic. As it is revealed by the author, RJ has used legal loopholes to establish manufacturing and construction companies through Foundation of Oppressed and War Veterans since 1986. This is a significant finding as it reflects that the division between public and private sectors or between civil and political spheres is blurred in the case of Iran. This results in the emergence of public, private, or semi-public institutions having similar functions. In chapter 5 the author correctly notes that the overlap in the duties between the Ministry of RJ and Ministry of Agriculture resulted in President Mohammad Khatami's decision to unite these two ministries in 2001. Lob demonstrates how the dual institutional structure of the Islamic Republic operated in the case of RJ. The office of the representative of the Supreme Leader, which overshadowed the office of the Minister, remained in power even after RJ had been transformed into a ministry. In fact, the RJ itself has benefited from this dual state structure to access state funds. For example, in instances when the government has not allocated sufficient funds to the RJ, it applied directly to the Supreme Leader to increase its funding.This blurred distinction between public and private sectors continued even after the RJ was transformed into a ministry. In chapter 6 Lob spells out how the RJ played a major role in political, economic, and ideological spheres of the Islamic Republic. First of all, it was an effective institution in the factional politics of Iran. For instance, during President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad's election campaign the ministry was instrumentalized to gather support for the Principlists. Second, with its developmental and populist policies, the RJ was an effective instrument of the state's social, cultural, and ideological practices. Finally, the RJ was also a major player in the economic sphere as its affiliated firms received projects and contracts through their contacts with the Ministry of Agricultural Jihad. Therefore, contextualizing the broad role of RJ provides a clearer understanding of the wider political, economic, and ideological institutional structures of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Lob's detailed account contributes to such efforts.Iran's Reconstruction Jihad also advances our understanding of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The examination of the foreign policy of Iran provided in chapters 7 and 8 is insightful and original, in the sense that it is not a repetition of the existing literature, which mainly concentrates on Iran's relations with the United States or the Middle East, especially the Shiʿi populated regions. In chapter 7, the author thoughtfully concentrates on Iran's (and the RJ's) relations with Africa, where Sunnis or non-Muslims form the majority of the population. In chapter 8, on the other hand, Lob concentrates on Islamic Republic's relations with Lebanon with his original and special effort to present the role of RJ in the development policies of the country. This initiative clearly indicates how Iranian foreign policy has changed with the transformation of a radical interpretation of revolution into a pragmatic understanding of it.The analysis of the RJ's developmental activities in Sub-Saharan Africa is a major piece of scholarship and contribution to the literature on Iran, since there are few studies concentrating on how Iran uses soft power in foreign policymaking. Lob, on the other hand, presents the instrumentalization of development by Iranian policymakers to reinforce the country's security by establishing diplomatic and commercial relations with Africa. Since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been subjected to various international sanctions. Lob's examination of the Islamic Republic's relations with Africa also reveals how Iranian policymakers use relations with African states to mitigate isolation and circumvent sanctions. In this sense, the book stands out for its discussion of the importance and possibilities of South-South cooperation, as well as its limits.Even though there is an enormous literature on the Islamic Republic's relations with Lebanon, Lob was still able to produce an original contribution in chapter 8 with his specific concentration on the role of the RJ in Lebanon. The book discusses how the motivation to export revolution has resulted in RJ's policy of supporting and sponsoring Hizballah's effort to establish a similar organization. This led to the creation of Lebanese version of the RJ called Jihad al-Bina. This focus enabled the author to depict the complex relationship between Hizballah, IRGC, RJ, and Jihad al-Bina and to make remarkable contributions to the existing scholarship on Iran-Lebanon relations.One of the other crucial contributions of the book is that it traces the transformation of the cultural role of RJ and the concept of Jihad. At the last chapter, while discussing what the concept of “jihadi culture and management” means and why Iranian politicians and officials were frequently using the term, the author also presents the current political landscape in the Islamic Republic of Iran. By providing examples from politicians of different factions such as the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, President Hassan Rouhani, and the conservative Speaker of the Parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the writer scrutinizes how the concept of jihadi culture is being propagated by the modern political elites. The discussion vividly reveals the rising popularity and visibility of the term “jihadi culture and management” during and after Rouhani's victory in 2013 presidential elections.In short, Lob's major piece of scholarship meticulously researches the instrumentalization of the RJ by the Islamic government to consolidate power at home and abroad. This detailed analysis of RJ as the soft power of the Iranian state also mirrors the Islamic Republic's broader evolution throughout the study. If there is a criticism of Lob's study, it is that the author indicates (in chapter 5) that even though there is rent-seeking behavior in the country the Iranian state cannot be defined as a rentier state. Therefore, he prefers to label the Islamic Republic of Iran as a developmental state. The criticism here is not related to the arguments or the findings of the author, but with his insufficient elaboration of the discussion. Both rentier state and developmental state literatures are built upon deep-rooted scholarly heritages and theoretical discussions. Therefore, describing the Iranian state as a developmental state without debating the vast literature on the topic, the author weakens his argument and therefore superficially approaches the discussion. However, the central aim of the book is not to discuss the Iranian state model, and so this criticism does not go beyond an intellectual contention.Another criticism may be directed at the analysis of the RJ's policies in Lebanon in chapter 8. The author at a certain point focuses more on Lebanon's version of RJ, instead of digging out the impact of the policies of the RJ and Iran in Lebanon. Even though he presents the complex relationship between these two organizations in the chapter, as a reader of a book structured around a specific institution, I expected to see more on the RJ's role in Lebanon. Despite these minor points of criticism, the book is a valuable resource and a comprehensive study that advances our understanding of the current political, economic, and ideological structures of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Brazil was recently in the spotlight for hosting two sport mega-events (SMEs): the 2014 FIFA Men’s World Cup and the 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games. Through a descriptive approach, this chapter dialogues with Brazilian and international literature, exposing theoretical debates and empirical data to discuss the development of Brazilian sport in the economic and social spheres. In the economic sphere, it aims to present the consequences faced by the sport sector of Brazil for hosting the SMEs by presenting data on the public funding of sports initiatives during the period of SMEs in Brazil (2010–2018). In the social sphere, we present the organisational structure and the management strategies of sport for development programmes led by public and non-profit sectors. Through the examination of both areas, we argue that sport is being used as a tool to promote economic and social developmental goals in Brazil. Yet, the outcomes of public and private programmes in these key areas should be critically reviewed, particularly through the improvement of planning, transparency and evaluation processes. Then, the Brazilian case might contribute to emerging countries bidding or preparing for SMEs, as well as those creating public and private programmes in sport for development.

For basic operations of the timber industry, numerous technological and technical solutions were patented for the past few years as the results of the intellectual property. The question of building the knowledge bases on technologies and equipment for involvement of the non-wood forest resources into the processing process lacks sufficient attention. Building the knowledge bases in this field resulted from the identified tendency for the development of products from various types of natural raw materials for pharmaceutical, food-manufacturing, cosmetic industries and other areas of the social sphere and economics. Among the various types of natural raw materials, the priority position is occupied by those with wide range of biological effect, including such as wood bark. The development of the knowledge base in the field of wood bark involvement in various social and economic spheres is based on a systematic patent search. Moreover, developers and inventors are increasingly patenting the results of their intellectual activities in the field of promising types of new intellectual property objects for the use of wood bark. This fact indicates that the problems of improving the quality and efficiency of technologies and disintegrating equipment in this area have not been completely resolved. All this necessitates the synthesis and patenting of new market-competitive technologies and equipment for involvement of wood bark in processing and using it in industries, agriculture and in the social sphere. In this regard, the authors conducted research on patent information search, collection and systematization of information. The state and trends of patenting in the field of technologies and equipment for the use of wood bark in industry and in the social sphere were identified, as well as the main patenting goals (effects) of patented intellectual property objects. The article also presents the most noteworthy patents collected during the building of the knowledge base.

Depois de quase trinta anos de uso capilar das tecnologias de informação e comunicação (TICs), a sociedade tem naturalizado sua presença. Todavia, viver com as TICs não significa compreender o porte das mudanças paradigmáticas que elas realizaram globalmente. O objetivo desse artigo é discutir as premissas e as implicações das transformações socioculturais impostas pelas novas mídias, observando alguns de seus efeitos nas esferas social, econômica e política. A metodologia utilizada é de natureza qualitativa e bibliográfica, com uma discussão elaborada através das ferramentas dos estudos culturais e da sociologia do imaginário de matriz durandiana. Nossos resultados, a partir do filme Avatar, consideram os fenômenos de mudanças e transformações proporcionados em todas as esferas sociais pela naturalização da tecnologia nos discursos contemporâneos. Na discussão, oferece-se um percurso histórico sobre a evolução da mídia até a definição de um paradigma pós-medial; observam-se os efeitos da naturalização das TICs nos planos social, econômico e político; analisam-se os efeitos sobre o imaginário provocados pelo uso de terminologias improntadas na ideologia e na retórica da inovação; esboçam-se algumas respostas oferecidas pela sociedade e pela política aos problemas suscitados pelas TICs. Conclui-se que há uma necessidade de apropriação crítica das TICs, que necessariamente devem voltar a serem desnaturalizadas para se tornar objeto de estudo com foco mais amplo e não somente aplicativo.

The socio-economic situation of Dnipropetrovsk region and the country as a whole in the conditions of the full-scale invasion of russian troops on the territory of Ukraine is extremely unstable. These years are trials for residents and all spheres of life in the region and the country. The article analyzes the main socio-economic indicators of the region's activity and compares them with similar indicators of the country's activity. The trends of changes in the main indicator of economic development, namely the gross domestic product, are considered. The values of the average monthly nominal salary of full-time employees of enterprises in the region are compared with the average monthly nominal salary of full-time employees of the country's enterprises. The volumes of industrial products (goods, services) sold in the region were analyzed and their share in the total volume of the country was allocated. The trends of changes in the volume of export and import of goods and services of Dnipropetrovsk region were considered and it was proved that before the beginning of the full-scale invasion, the region was one of the leading exporters and occupied a leading position in the import of goods. The reasons for the decrease in exports today are highlighted. This is a violation of logistics, in particular sea logistics, the destruction of production infrastructure as a result of missile attacks, a decrease in production volumes. It has been proven that the Dnipropetrovsk region is one of the most investment-attractive regions of Ukraine and has a very strong potential for development in all spheres of activity. Systematic work on the development of the region in previous years created a strong foundation for further movement forward. Regarding the post-war reconstruction, the economic recovery should be taken as a priority. The global goal of this process is to create the right conditions for the effective generation of the country's gross product by business and the population. It is necessary to create favorable conditions for the recovery and development of small and medium-sized enterprises; develop models of enterprise development by types of economic activity, taking into account the impact of transformations in the economic, technological, organizational-management, financial, social and operational management spheres; improve the management mechanisms of the production, innovation, personnel, and financial potentials of the region's development; create a favorable environment for carrying out innovative activities; gradually move to a cluster model of development of the economy, ecological and social spheres, which will provide an opportunity to ensure sustainable development of the region, etc., namely to strengthen its competitiveness.

Citizen participation is booming, especially the number of urban bottom-up initiatives where information and communication technologies (ICT) are deployed is increasing rapidly. This growth is good news for society as recent historical research shows that the more citizens actively and persistently interfere with public issues, the more likely a society will be resilient. And yet, at the same time, a growing number of scholars argue that due to the unprecedented impact of ICT, the public sphere is at stake. How to understand both trends? How do the anti-'public sphere' developments relate to the growing number of citizens' initiatives using ICT? And if these citizen initiatives can indeed be understood as manifestations of public spheres, how can ICT foster or hinder the development of these public spheres? These questions will be explored by analyzing a Dutch citizen initiative called 'Buuv' (an online 'market' place for and by local residents) from a 'public sphere' perspective. The author will turn to 'The human condition' (1958) of Hannah Arendt in order to elaborate a 'public sphere' perspective. An Arendtian perspective (as any perspective) highlights, however, some aspects and underexposes other aspects. Furthermore, chances are that Arendt's thoughts are somewhat outdated, in the sense that we now live in a world where the online and the offline life intertwine - an experience that is referred to with the term 'onlife'. Bearing these remarks in mind, the author will elaborate on the value of Arendt's ideas to 1) the endeavor of understanding current trends in society-more urban bottom-up initiatives and anti-'public sphere' developments due to the broad uptake of ICT-and 2) the endeavor of revitalizing the public sphere in an onlife world.

À partir d’une lecture critique de H. Arendt et J. Habermas, cet article se propose d’articuler d’un point de vue théorique et historique espace public, espace économique et question sociale. Développant une lecture associationniste de l’approche arendtienne, il souligne combien pour celle-ci le mouvement ouvrier fut historiquement porteur de l’espoir d’un nouvel espace public. Dans le prolongement de cette interprétation, il esquisse une analyse de la tradition associationniste française qui, au sein du mouvement ouvrier et socialiste, avait tenté de politiser la question sociale pour redéfinir les frontières de l’espace public. Bref, comme l’économie solidaire le propose aujourd’hui en réactualisant l’héritage de cette tradition, d’inscrire dans l’espace économique de nouvelles formes de solidarité et de citoyenneté.

The analysis of indicators that reflect changes in the social, economic and political spheres in recent years has shown their significant deterioration and the possibility of growing social tensions in the regions of Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to classify the regions of Ukraine according to the level of formation of social tensions and to determine anticipative measures aimed at preventing the creation of crisis situations. The article proposes a methodical approach to the classification of regions using the methods of cluster, discriminant analysis and analysis of variance according to the level of social tension, which includes two main stages: substantiation of the system of socio-economic indicators characterizing the level of social tension; selection and substantiation of models of classification of the regions. Within the first stage of the methodical approach the system of indicators which reflect changes in social, economic and political spheres of Ukraine in modern transformational conditions was constructed. Within the framework of the second stage of the methodical approach on the basis of cluster analysis the classification of regions according to the level of formation of social tension was carried out. The classes of regions were selected: with a low level of formation of social tension; with an intensified level of formation of social tension; with a high level of formation of social tension. The results of the study showed that the number of regions in the class with a high level of social tension is constantly growing and, unfortunately, the number of regions with high socio-economic development is decreasing. The classification of regions made it possible to determine the list of preventive measures that can reduce the losses of the state associated with the containment of possible crises in the social sphere. However, the article also states that such a list of activities should take into account the specifics of the region that is part of each class

Introduction. The world economic crisis of 1900-1903, which was accompanied by a crisis in the social sphere and resulted in the emergence of protests among the working class, became one of the significant factors that led to the First World War of 1914-1918. Therefore, there was the keen necessity to form a new international law and order with social and economic components. The League of Nations’ creation ensured its establishment, and the social and economic cooperation of states was concentrated within the framework of the ILO, in order to resolve social conflicts, protect the rights of workers, improve working conditions and increase their living standards. However, the continuation of the crisis was the next stage of the Second World War of 1939-1945 and taking into consideration the duration of this crisis in the XXI century the threat of a new world war in the nearest future cannot be excluded. The instability of international relations is the result of the destruction of the international law and order, which is replaced by protectionism in the form of regionalism. Conclusions. Within the framework of international organizations, in particularthe UN, ILO, EU a set of anti-crisis measures is adopted in order to overcome the consequences of the global crisis. However, they are not sufficient, often improvisational ,and the urgency of crisis management requirements leads to non-optimal solutions. Current legal order cannot be considered without the social and economic rights and activities of the ILO. The organization is designed, in particular, to ensure the establishment of universal peace based on social justice; develop and implement norms and principles in the field of labour; provide decent employment and social protection for all; develop international measures and programs for the implementation of human rights, improving working and living conditions; develop international labour standards etc. The states’ efforts to overcome this crisis should cover all levels of cooperation between states in the social and economic sphere, the adoption of appropriate effective measures, and decisions that would be characterized not situationally, but by systematic preparation for various crisis situations, including more active application of forecasts and different scenario planning. Key words: International Law, Social and Economic Rights, League of Nations,United Nations, International Labour Organization, World Economic Crisis, Anticrisis Measures in the Social Sphere.

The article is devoted to the study of the value of the idea of gender equality. Legal (gender) equality implies equal rights and opportunities for both men and women. In the context of European integration processes, the issue of ensuring and guaranteeing social and legal equality in all spheres of public life, both de jure and de facto, is important and relevant for Ukraine. With this in mind, bridging the gap and guaranteeing gender equality, including analysing the legal framework and guaranteeing equal rights and opportunities for both men and women in all spheres of public life, makes this study very relevant. The purpose of the article is to study the provision of gender equality in society, analyse the legal framework, and to clarify the causes of gender discrimination and help to overcome gender gaps in the social, cultural, political and economic spheres and more. The study of this problem uses a wide range of methods of scientific knowledge: the theoretical method allows organising a variety of knowledge about gender. The sociological method helps to identify various gender parameters and compare them with social characteristics. The application of the historical method allows for a gender assessment of various historical processes. The prognostic method allowed to find out the prospects of gender development both in the region in particular and in the developed civilized society in general. Socio-psychological method allows exploring the social roles of men and women, the relationship between the sexes, their features and psychological characteristics. The article presents the results of the study of gender issues both in the world and in Ukraine; the specific features of the division of society into two social groups on the basis of gender are covered; it is clarified how the gender approach is implemented in politics, economics and social sphere; the main directions of ensuring gender equality, guaranteed by international and Ukrainian legislation, are identified. The scientific article substantiates the need to use the gender component in legislative activities, including in politics, economics, social sphere; the necessity of using the advanced world experience of ensuring and realisation of gender equality is substantiated; based on the results of systematic scientific analysis, the basic principles of gender policy implementation in modern national and foreign legislation are determined

Issues of licensing and protection of intellectual property andcomputer crime, education and economy are inextricably linked with the modernsociety with the development of IT technologies. This problem has been particularlyaggravated in recent times in connection with the offensive by organizations thatadvocate the legal use of digital content and large-scale computer crime and piracy.Along with this remain legally uncertain questions about the use of cryptocarrency inthe country and related problems with the shadow economy and anonymouscalculations.The purpose of the publication is to determine the destructive factors of thedevelopment of the digital economy of Ukraine and the possibilities of their solutionat the present stage of development.Presentation of the main research material. The development of digital and ITeconomics in Ukraine is facing major difficulties every day. Including:- lack of specialists;- Permanent problem with the use of illegal and pirate software;- Infringement of copyright and intellectual property;- Slow implementation of new information and financial technologies;- Slow reaction of the state to new transformations in the economy with the useof IT in the legal plane.Conclusions. The number of destructive factors have emerged in Ukraine thatare an obstacle to the development of the digital economy in our country. Amongthem is the use of illegal software, non-compliance with intellectual property rights,the weak reaction of state institutions to world financial initiatives and challenges,including the introduction and use of cryptographic goods. Their main negativeeffects are identified: the risks of doing business with the use of IT, the vulnerabilityof financial transactions and the creation of new initiatives and projects, the difficultyof developing new business projects and initiatives because of insecurity fromcopying that recurrence, reducing the competitiveness of the economic spheres. Themain measures to overcome the negative influence of these factors are outlined,among them: increased costs for network and computer security; training ofspecialists in the areas of IT, management and computer and network security, timelyresponse of state institutions to digital initiatives, development of relevant legislation.