African Studies Centers – The First Inventory

Editorial office publishes the summary of a joint seminar held by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC), the Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) and the World Economy and International Relations journal. The event was dedicated to the role of Africa in global politics, prospects and problems of its cooperation with Russia and other countries. The seminar on “The Role of Africa in Global Politics “the Year of Africa” in Russia” took place on March 28, 2023. The main part of the discussion included contributions by Andrey Kortunov, RIAC Academic Advisor; Irina Abramova, Head, RAS Institute of Africa, RAS Presidium Member, RAS Corresponding Member, RIAC Member; Andrey Maslov, Head, Center for African Studies at Higher School of Economics (HSE); Ivan Loshkarev, Research Fellow, Institute for International Studies (IIS), Associate Professor, Department of Political Theory, MGIMO University; Vasiliy Kashin, Head, Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies, HSE, RIAC Member. The discussion also included remarks by Yulia Melnikova, RIAC Program Manager; Lora Chkoniya, Junior Research Fellow, Center for Middle East and African Studies, IIS, MGIMO University; Maya Nikolskaya, Junior Research Fellow, Center for Middle East and African Studies, IIS, MGIMO University; Sergey Karamaev, Junior Research Fellow, Group of Regional Political Problems of the South and East, IMEMO, Ibragim Ibragimov, Research Fellow, Regional Relations Study Group, IMEMO, and Vsevolod Sviridov, Expert, Center for African Studies, HSE.

Sometime in 1975, I walked into the office of Arnold Rubin (1937–1988), an associate professor in the department of art at the University of California, Los Angeles, inquiring about graduate study in Africanist art history. Students of African art, he assured me, would be at the forefront of mighty changes in the academic world. He promised that we would blow the dust off the hidebound field of art history. Rather shaken by his passionate rhetoric, I left thinking I might be too conventional for such an avant-garde enterprise. So after a much more pragmatic conversation with Herbert M. ("Skip") Cole about the shrinking number of teaching positions in art history, I headed to the University of California, Santa Barbara, for my graduate work. There I was plunged into a program of instruction and research that was full of its own unexpected adventures and rewards. While I have always been immensely grateful that Skip Cole agreed to be my advisor and guide, I have never forgotten Rubin's vision, his assertion that Africanist art historians would overturn entrenched paradigms and revolutionize the study of art.This issue of African Arts celebrates a generation of scholars—the elders of our discipline—whose contributions shaped the journal when it was launched as african arts/arts d'afrique some fifty years ago. Arnold Rubin was one of these, as he had been appointed editor of "graphic and plastic arts" when the second issue of the fledgling magazine appeared in 1968. As a member of his students' generation, the cohort charged with bringing the study of African art into the twenty-first century, I would like to revisit my initial encounter with this influential scholar and teacher through the lens of African Arts. Has his vision indeed become a reality? Have Africanists reshaped the narrative of art history over the last fifty years and brought novel, interdisciplinary, Africa-centered approaches to a staid Eurocentric discipline?Clearly, I encountered Arnold Rubin during a time when his own views had been shaped by the theoretical and methodological debates swirling around the art department at UCLA, and by his awareness of the new and rather tenuous position of Africanists within the discipline of art history. After all, in the United States the first dissertation on an African topic presented for a PhD in art history (rather than anthropology or Egyptology) had been written less than twenty years earlier, in 1957, by Roy Sieber (1923–2001). While art historians such as Douglas Fraser (1930–1982) may have taught courses on African art as "Primitive Art" during the 1950s, it was not until the 1960s that Africanist scholars such as Sieber and Frank Willett (1925–2006) could draw on their own fieldwork when they offered classes in American art history departments. Rubin presented his thoughts on the development of the field at a conference on "African Art Studies in the 1980s" held at UCLA in 1979 and reviewed for African Arts by Marla Berns:1Although his ideas were disseminated in the classroom as well as through his many creative research projects, it is Rubin's association with African Arts in the first decade of its publication that allows us to examine how his goals for Africanist art history intersected with other impulses during a unique period. Fifty years ago, personal and professional relationships linking Americans and Africans promised to forge new ways of seeing and describing the world, and the excitement of this promise permeated the journal. I should note here that my own memories of that time were recently refreshed by a visit to an African country I had not seen in almost half a century. My brother arranged for me to join childhood friends and family members for a visit to Malawi, where our fathers had worked from 1964–1969, and where our mothers had volunteered in local colleges and hospitals. The church we had attended, constructed by members of the Church of Scotland congregation before 1891 (Briggs 2013:206), was still a vibrant place of worship in Blantyre (Fig. 1), its physical structure intact. I had only vague memories of an even earlier precolonial monument, the Mandala House, which had been the headquarters of the African Lakes Corporation in 1882 (Fig. 2). The interior is now a bright, sunny space managed by La Caverna, an art gallery specializing in paintings by Malawi's most influential modernists, while the upper floor houses the library and meeting rooms of the Malawi Historical Society. This venerable building thus enshrines the art history as well as the history of twentieth and twenty-first century Malawi, both pivoting around the nation's independence in 1964.Flipping through the first few years of african arts/arts d'afrique, the bilingual precursor of African Arts, also brought me back to the heady days of the 1960s. Just as my father and his American colleagues set up a technical college as a "contribution from the people of the United States of America to the people of Malawi" when that nation became independent from Britain,2 the very first issue proclaimed, in boldface print, that "The African Studies Center of the University of California Los Angeles presents a gift [of the magazine] to Africa." Since the journal and the technical school were offered to Africans at the height of the Cold War, when the continent and its resources were seen as vulnerable to influences from the Soviet Union, postcolonial theorists might characterize both as instruments wielded by the US government to ensure the loyalty of African allies.3 It was true that my father had been hired through an American university with funding from the Agency for International Development, while the growth of the African Studies Center at UCLA was nurtured by government grants and fellowships. Faculty and graduate students at UCLA were provided with funds for research on the African continent, allowing the African Studies Center to act as a "think tank" that was continually renewed by contacts with Africa. Former Peace Corps volunteers, sent by the US government to promote democracy and economic progress in Africa, enrolled in graduate programs after returning home, joining the ranks of scholars who studied the arts of the African continent. Yet despite their origins in hegemonic political policies, educational programs and initiatives such as african arts/arts d'afrique fostered a discourse that exposed Americans to African ways of knowing, to epistemologies which would lead researchers such as Arnold Rubin to challenge the assumptions of his own academic traditions.In the second issue, the editors wrote that the purpose of the new journal would be "to record the art of the African past, to provide an outlet for the contemporary African artist, and to stimulate the creative arts in Africa" (Povey 1967:2). Judging from other short entries, the publication was a highly experimental enterprise. According to a later reflection written by John Povey (1929–1992), the specialist in African literature who was one of its original editors, "the entire original concept of African Arts derived from a purely serendipitous seat proximity on an airline which brought Paul [law professor Paul Proehl (1921–1997)] and [Sudanese artist] el Salahi together. They communed and agreed that what was really wanted was a magazine that would display the manifold arts of Africa—hence the plural title—to the world" (1991:6).4Arnold Rubin had joined the editorial board quite soon after his arrival at UCLA. He was almost immediately joined by Skip Cole and by Eugene Grigsby, a professor of African and African American art history at Arizona State University. Other editors worked with them to assemble material celebrating a broad spectrum of African creativity. The first issues featured short essays on architecture, dance, theater, the cinema, music, literary criticism, and oral literature, in addition to an overview of the archaeology of Ife by Frank Willett, a reflective piece by Léopold Sédar Senghor, and reviews of contemporary art. Some of the discussions in these first volumes, such as a long essay by Bohumil Holas, were deeply primitivist, and John Povey himself could give way to paternalist pronouncements: "Somewhere between the inhibiting forms of the tradition and the too facile fashionable fads of contemporary art in the West, rests the legitimate area in which the African artist can create" (1968a:1). Yet in these years Dennis Duerden stated, "I am looking for an African kinetic artist, or one who uses a computer" (1967:30). Too few contributors would join him in expecting African artists of the 1970s and 1980s to engage with developments happening elsewhere in the world of contemporary art, and apparently neither video artists not digital arts would appear in the pages of African Arts prior to the twenty-first century. John Povey himself was startlingly prescient when he humbly acknowledged that "We hope that the possibilities supplied by the presence of this forum will encourage Africans to write their own account of their arts. Such essays will undoubtedly reveal to us areas of perception which are inevitably denied even to the most sympathetic of outside critics" (1968b:1). Unfortunately, the "presence" of the journal would diminish in African libraries and art centers during the following decades (Nettleton 2017, Okwuoso 2017), and as Simbao has clearly demonstrated (2017), scholars based on the African continent would be hindered from publishing their research in the journal by a variety of constraints. It is now clear that the laudable sentiments of Povey needed to have been accompanied by sustained action.Soon after its inception, the editors announced an annual competition, with monetary prizes for winning submissions of art (two- and three-dimensional work) and literature (plays, poetry, short stories, excerpts from novels) that would be published or reproduced in the magazine. Each issue would include reports by African "correspondents" providing "perceptive analyses of the underlying situation that confronts the African artist" (Povey 1968b:1). As a showcase for African literature, african arts/arts d'afrique was bilingual, offering essays in French and English. At the time, this was a sophisticated, European approach that addressed a wide, intercontinental readership, even if the possible incorporation of other languages commonly used in Africa (such as Arabic, Portuguese, or Swahili) was not mentioned. In many ways the magazine resembled creative modernist publication projects such as Minotaure, produced in Paris in the 1930s, or Black Orpheus, published in Ibadan after the 1950s, or Transition, launched in Kampala in the 1960s. What is striking, however, was the offer by the editors of african arts/arts d'afrique to distribute their color illustrations of African contemporary art to schools so that teachers could mount them on bulletin boards (Povey 1968a:38). This was a didactic effort to reach out to the American public, a program to dispel misconceptions about African cultures. In today's global art world, where critics value the transgressive, provocative stance of marginalized artists, few curators would attempt to place reproductions of contemporary African art in K-12 classrooms of the United States.As Doran Ross noted in his review of the first twenty-five years of African Arts (Ross 1992:1), submissions of literary works and coverage of contemporary art faded away after the annual competitions came to an end in 1975. Just as Arnold Rubin brought his experience with performance, ephemeral art, and ritual in African contexts to his exploration of American cultural practices, African Arts covered a broad range of urban and rural artistic creativity in Africa and its Diaspora during the 1980s. It became a leading outlet for fresh, new accounts of artists' practice based on fieldwork conducted in communities throughout Western and Central Africa, and studies of arts from Eastern and Southern Africa were featured as well. Given the variety and sophistication of the new studies appearing in African Arts, its readers may not have noticed how few contributors were still visiting the studios of artists working in African galleries, cultural centers, and institutions of higher education. In a "First Word" written as African Arts approached its twenty-fifth anniversary, Povey complained that at the 1989 Triennial conference of ACASA, the Arts Council of the African Studies Association, "contemporary African art … was considered at best marginal, at worst a regrettable intrusion of a tiresome product outside the concerns of serious scholars" (1990:1). Other journals would eventually arise to cover arts identified as "contemporary," such as Revue Noire (in 1991) and Nka (in 1994), and in last decade of the twentieth century African Arts itself would once again turn its attention to artists who had studied in African universities or art institutes. I would argue, though, that by neglecting critical studies of these African artists during the 1980s, Africanists missed the opportunity to interact with art historians in other "non-Western" fields, who were extending their own research methods into the study of modern and contemporary "global" arts (Sullivan 1996, Farago and Pierce 2006, Hay 2008).Furthermore, because African Arts focused on community-based (rather than nationally based) art and architecture during the 1980s, it bypassed a pivotal period in the history of African modernisms. During my visit to Malawi, I was honored to meet Willie Nampeya, now professor emeritus in the art department at Chancellor College in Zomba, who had been a student of my mother, Barbara Blackmun (Fig. 3). After learning of the challenges faced by Prof. Nampeya and his younger colleagues, and realizing that they have worked for many years in relative isolation, I wish that I (and other faculty in American institutions) had been more aware of their need for international recognition and support (see Simbao 2017:6). Whatever the reasons, close contacts between art educators working in Africa and in the United States still tend to be the exception rather than the rule.The switch to a monolingual format in volume 4 (and the adoption of the name African Arts) may have contributed to the diminishing number of articles on modernist cinema, literature, and theater appearing in the journal. One immediate casualty was the coverage of francophone northern Africa. During the first few years, contributors had written about artists based in Tunis and Cairo, providing material that is useful now for researchers reviewing the history of African modernism. The original inclusion of arts from the entire continent had reflected political movements of the 1960s and 1970s, when newly independent African states sponsored arts festivals in Dakar, Algiers, and Lagos that were expressions of African solidarity. Of course biennials and other exhibition events today return to this model by soliciting artworks from across the continent, weaving economic and political networks as part of national cultural policies. And of course many art fairs are sponsored by francophone African nations and produce bilingual texts.The early articles on textiles, ceramics, and other artisanal traditions in the Maghreb were also responses to the work of historians and archaeologists, who were then mapping trade routes and the movements of people and ideas across the Sahara. But in the 1960s, art historians had often been introduced to African art by European modernists, who believed that only sub-Saharan Africa could produce art nègre, authentically "primitive" art. Even after abandoning the tenets of Primitivism, many art historians remained in thrall to the masterpieces of West Africa and Central Africa that had inspired early twentieth century French painters. It is not surprising that the pages of African Arts would be dominated by these regions, even though Africanists such as Rubin and Cole had moved far beyond formal analyses of sculpture to broader understandings of the totality of creative production on the continent in its very first issues.Perhaps the shift away from Egypt and the Maghreb was also a result of the critiques of the field of African Studies in the 1970s, when African Americans affirmed their own ancestral links to ancient cultures. Following the lead of Robert Farris Thompson, many Africanists extended their art historical analyses to the Americas, narrating art histories as creative expressions of the Black Atlantic world. As African Studies in several institutions was subsumed under "Black Studies" or appended to departments of African American and Africana Studies, the art historical relationships between West Africans classified as "black" and North Africans seen as "non-black" by outside observers became more difficult to place within an American academic framework. When Sidney Kasfir reviewed Jan Vansina's Art and History in Africa for African Arts, she underscored his inclusion of arts from the northern half of the continent, asserting that this was perhaps "the most alien part of the author's perspective for African art specialists" (Kasfir 1986:12).For the first decade or so, the journal had close relationship with commercial enterprises. In addition to receiving funding from the Kress Foundation to print images in color, african arts/arts d'afrique received advertising revenue from airlines, a mining company, and the Franklin Gallery in Los Angeles. Private collections as well as exhibitions at public institutions such as the Los Angeles County Museum were reviewed. This context helps explain why Rubin wrote his influential essay "Accumulative Sculpture: Power and Display" (Rubin 1974) for the Pace Gallery in New York City before publishing it in the contemporary art journal Art Forum (Rubin 1975). It would be several years before a messy divorce would separate private galleries selling "primitive arts" (or "tribal arts") and the academic world. This divorce was finalized as postcolonial theory pushed art historians (and the editors of African Arts) towards new discussions of professional ethics, fieldwork methods, and collection practices.Arnold Rubin may have been instrumental in moving african arts/arts d'afrique in a direction that was quite different from that originally envisioned by Povey and Poehl. His own, detailed study of Kutep mud sculpture in the first volume contained the publication's first endnotes (Rubin 1968). For its second volume, the magazine featured an extended study of Chokwe arts by Marie-Louise Bastin that spanned three issues and whose overview from the of most early Skip essays on appeared that as a new for critical of fieldwork Rubin's and a in on in the of the literature on and Robert Farris wrote his of African Arts was as a forum for research in the arts by art and other submissions were to as they would be at other journals (Ross Povey when from his editorial that despite its African Arts had became an academic publication in with the of a It could thus could more of a to the discipline of art how has this years ago, Doran Ross wrote a "First Word" in which he complained that "the arts of Africa to be in the world, the art the or the classroom … Even the most courses on African arts a at colleges and the Africanist who to have had the in the field of art history as a wrote in the vision of an to position and the of to the rather than the product of artistic to have been Yet by the of African art history more "African art … has collections and What might we in 2017, a decade are many ways to the of Africanist art historians within the American academic world, from positions of Africanists in art history programs or the number of courses we to the number of on African art published by university or the number of articles and reviews we have in the most The number of Africanists who art exhibitions as or curators might also be in addition to the many gallery art independent and whose academic to their in African art. Yet as faculty members at American college or university such might not us what we really wish to our in the art historical they not us much about or even we have had an the field as a I a the art history When Doran Ross and wrote their African artworks to art as of "primitive" Some African again in the on twentieth century European where they were by the of the where they had been of both of the leading for art history Art the by and Art include on African art that are with on or the The that will provide at to African in an in art history. of artworks from the African also in the of American school students need to for an Art History these on the work of Africanists to working in the on African art history, written almost in the by Skip Cole for Art the and and Roy for Art History have been for later in to provide student readers with a historical Povey might have of these which African art was of when the arts of other As several scholars have serious studies of historical developments in African art forms are few and far and the review was launched in part out of the with the of attention to historical context in African Arts and In many has not been on African artistic of the immediate or to such as (see But that may as art historians and other scholars new research and produce more For in Barbara Blackmun had very to draw when a in to for the family on the following (Fig. The was a But when agreed to for at a in (Fig. we could a literature on that the in historical perspective if the history of African art is in and classrooms so that Africa can become in of its inclusion offer students the opportunity to African artistic practices, and that provide them with new ways of looking and is "African its place in the that african arts/arts d'afrique as "graphic and plastic arts" in a collection of identified by artist, and in the today's African artists can be in such as Art which them into the discourse of global modern and contemporary art and on the of are we Arnold Rubin's of as art within a cultural And if we write articles in Art that showcase African studies of art historical are we to Arnold Rubin's vision of Africanist art history as recently wrote that he Rubin would be to that contributors to African Arts still hope to the discipline of art history, even if we are of how this can be

Medical Anthropology NewsletterVolume 7, Issue 3 p. 12-18 Free Access ARTICLE Medical Anthropology and International Health Planning George M. Foster Ph.D., George M. Foster Ph.D. Department of Anthropology University of California, Berkeley Professor Foster originally delivered this paper at a health planning workshop sponsored by the Agency for International Development. While we reported on this workshop in our last issue, we believe that, because of the timely nature of the items considered there, greater coverage should be afforded it. It is our hope that other presentations at the AID workshop will appear in the next several issues of M.A.N. We thank the Agency for International Development for granting us permission to publish this paper.—Eds.Search for more papers by this author George M. Foster Ph.D., George M. Foster Ph.D. Department of Anthropology University of California, Berkeley Professor Foster originally delivered this paper at a health planning workshop sponsored by the Agency for International Development. While we reported on this workshop in our last issue, we believe that, because of the timely nature of the items considered there, greater coverage should be afforded it. It is our hope that other presentations at the AID workshop will appear in the next several issues of M.A.N. We thank the Agency for International Development for granting us permission to publish this paper.—Eds.Search for more papers by this author First published: May 1976 https://doi.org/10.1525/maq.1976.7.3.02a00110Citations: 28 AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat References Cited Adams, Richard N. 1955 A Nutritional Research Program in Guatemala. In Health, Culture and Community. B. D. Paul, Ed. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. pp. 435– 458. Anonymous [1953] 10 Years of Cooperative Health Programs in Latin America: An Evaluation. Washington, DC: Conducted by the Public Health Service, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare for The Institute of Inter-American Affairs. Banerji, D. 1974 Health Behaviour of Rural Populations: Impact of Rural Health Services. A Preliminary Communication. New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University, Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health. Boesch, Ernst E. 1972 Communication Between Doctors and Patients in Thailand, Part I. Saarbrücken: University of the Saar, Socio-Psychological Research Centre on Development Planning. Bryant, John 1969 Health and the Developing World. Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press. Dennis, Ruth E. 197475 The Traditional Healer in Liberia. In Traditional Healers: Use and Non-Use in Health Care Delivery. I. E. Harrison and D. W. Dunlop, Eds. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, The African Studies Center [Rural Africana No. 26]. pp. 17– 23. Dunlop, David W. 197475 Alternatives to “Modern” Health-Delivery Systems in Africa: Issues for Public Policy Consideration on the Role of Traditional Healers. In Traditional Healers: Use and Non-Use in Health Care Delivery. I. E. Harrison and D. W. Dunlop, Eds. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, The African Studies Center [Rural Africana No. 26]. pp. 131– 139. Erasmus, Charles J. 1952 Changing Folk Beliefs and Relativity of Empirical Knowledge. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 8: 411– 428. Foster, George M. 1973 Traditional Societies and Technological Change. New York: Harper and Row. Harrison, Ira E. 197475 Traditional Healers: A Neglected Source of Health Manpower. In Traditional Healers: Use and Non-Use in Health Care Delivery. I. E. Harrison and D. W. Dunlop, Eds. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, The African Studies Center [Rural Africana, No. 26]. pp. 5– 16. Hinderling, Paul 1973 Communication Between Doctors and Patients in Thailand, Part III. Saarbrücken: University of the Saar, Socio-Psychological Research Centre on Development Planning. Kark, Sidney, and Emily Kark 1962 A Practice of Social Medicine. Chapter 1 in A Practice of Social Medicine: A South African Team's Experiences in Different African Communities. S. L. Kark and G. E. Steuart, Eds. Edinburgh & London: E. and S. Livingstone. pp. 3– 40. Maclean, Una 1971 Magical Medicine: A Nigerian Case-Study. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books. Ndeti, K. 1972 Sociocultural Aspects of Tuberculosis Defalutation: A Case Study. Social Science and Medicine 6: 397– 412. Philips, Jane 1955 The Hookworm Campaign in Ceylon. In Hands Across Frontiers: Case Studies in Technical Cooperation. H. M. Teaf and P. G. Franck, Eds. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. pp. 265– 305. Servicio 1953 Ten Years of Operation of the Bilateral Health Programs of the Institute of Inter-American Affairs. Public Health Reports 68: 829– 857. Torrey, E. Fuller 1973 The Mind Game: Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists. New York: Bantam Books. [First ed. 1972.]. Citing Literature Volume7, Issue3May 1976Pages 12-18 ReferencesRelatedInformation

In this and subsequent numbers we hope to give an account of the various centres of African studies which exist in the United Kingdom. We begin with accounts of the Centre of African Studies at Edinburgh, and the African Studies Centre, University of Cambridge. We are most grateful to Miss Grace Hunter and Miss Wendy Saville who have provided this material, and much information about research in progress at the two Centres. We are happy also to be able to include a note about the African Studies Institute recently established in the University of the Witwatersrand.The Centre of African Studies at Edinburgh University, entering its second decade, has produced thirteen volumes of papers from its weekend seminars. The most recent volume, “Developmental Trends in Kenya” contains the papers of the seminar of that title held in April 1972 and plans for the next one are complete.

Established in the world’s best citadel of learning and centers of excellence, African studies centers abroad are like essential commodities in the world market. From the literature survey, the program of these centers are anchored on the promotion of the African culture through the studies of African Anthropology, Archaeology, Folklore and other cognate subject areas such as History and Sociology. The analysis contained in this report was subdivided into nine different themes, which highlight the content of the program of activities of these centers. The analyses were deducted from existential theory, which explains that the cultural legacy of a people is an extension of the personality of the race or ethnic group involved. It was found that the African studies centers abroad represented the outlets for the promotion of African culture, although most of the staff personnel in those centers are dominated by persons other than those of African descent. Key Words: African studies centers overseas, cultural propagation, cultural preservation.

There has been considerable discussion recently in recognition of the need to develop African studies in this country on a far wider basis than at present, where it is concentrated too narrowly in a few major centers of great academic strength. Such discussion has been exacerbated by the demands of Afro-Americans whose concern for African studies is not less significant for the debatable academic basis upon which it is posited. The problem with all previous programs to inaugurate new African programs has been that they focused totally upon the training of faculty. There have been a series of summer courses, many of which have in themselves been of high quality and substantially imaginative. Yet they did little to innovate new programs on the campus, owing to the sluggishness of the administrative machinery or the relative indifference to the new faculty interest. The program which the African Studies Center at the University of California at Los Angeles planned for the summers of 1968 and 1969 attempted to remedy this deficiency. The project was financed by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare under National Defense Education Act funds and was organized and administered by Michael F. Lofchie and John F. Povey, themselves joint assistant directors of the UCLA African Studies Center.

[Christopher Fyfe and David McMaster (ed.)]: African historical demography. Vol.II: Proceedings of a seminar held in the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 24th and 25th April 1981. [vi], 709 pp., 3 maps. Edinburgh: Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, [1982]. £8. - Volume 47 Issue 2

Special Issue: Women in Farming Systems: Cameroon, Botswana, Zambia, Tanzania, Taiwan

Peter Geschiere, Village Communities and the State: changing relations among the Maka of southeastern Cameroon since the colonial conquest, Monographs from the African Studies Centre, Leiden. London: Kegan Paul International, 1982, 512 pp., £25.00, 0 7103 0015 8. - Volume 57 Issue 1

Journal Article Eunice A. Charles. Precolonial Senegal: The Jolof Kingdom, 1800–1890. (African Research Studies, number 12.) Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University. 1977. Pp. xi, 163. $7.50 Get access Charles Eunice A.. Precolonial Senegal: The Jolof Kingdom, 1800–1890. (African Research Studies, number 12.) Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University. 1977. Pp. xi, 163. $7.50. Martin A. Klein Martin A. Klein University of Toronto Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 84, Issue 1, February 1979, Page 224, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/84.1.224 Published: 01 February 1979

Harold G. Marcus & John Hinnant (eds), Proceedings of the first United States conference on Ethiopian studies (Michigan State University, 2–5 05, 1973), Monograph No. 3, Occasional Papers Series, Committee on Ethiopian Studies. East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1975. Pp. 454+X. - Volume 5 Issue 2

Languages of Ethiopia - The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia. Edited by M. Lionel Bender. East Lansing, Michigan: African Studies Center, Michigan State University (Occasional Papers Series, Committee on Ethiopian Studies, Monograph no. 5), 1976. Pp. v+738. $10 (paperback). - Volume 19 Issue 2

Proceedings of the First United States Conference on Ethiopian Studies, Michigan State University, 2–5 May 1973. Edited by Harold G. Marcus. East Lansing, Michigan: African Studies Centre, Michigan State University, 1975. Pp. ix, 454, ill., tables, map. $18.50. - Volume 47 Issue 4

Ruth Noorduyn. The Assertion of Rights to Agro-pastoral Land in North Cameroon: A Cascade to Violence? Leiden: African Studies Centre, 2005. Research Report 76. xv + 408 pp. Photographs. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. No price reported. Paper. - Volume 49 Issue 3

Georgia McGarry (ed.), Reaction and Protest in the West African Press: a collection of newspaper articles on five nineteenth-century African leaders. Leiden: Afrika Studiecentrum; Cambridge: African Studies Centre, 1978, 197 pp., £6.00. - Volume 56 Issue 3