Adjectival predicates in finite and non-finite clauses

Abstract

The paper explores the distribution of various adjectival predicates (short form adjectives, long form adjectives in the nominative or instrumental case and passive participles) in Russian finite and non-finite clauses. Two factors turn out to determine the availability of adjectival predicates: (i) the type of the subject (overt DP vs. A-trace vs. PRO) and (ii) the case feature of the subject (nominative vs. other cases). Crucially, adjectival predicates differ as to the licensing factors: short form adjectives require that their subject (overt DP, A-trace or PRO) be nominative whereas nominative long form adjectives are only licit if their subject is a nominative overt DP or an A-trace of a nominative DP, but not a (nominative) PRO. Including adjectival passive into this picture gives rise to further discrepancies: the long form of the passive participle cannot form a passive predicate of a finite clause but is licit as such a predicate in non-finite clauses. The paper provides a formal analysis of the distribution of adjectival predicates, which relies on the following assumptions: (i) the categorial contrast of short and long forms; (ii) the syntactically represented opposition of control and raising; and (iii) PRO’s ability to receive the case feature via case assignment by complementizer or case transmission from the controller.