Abstract

The paper explores the uses of bian2 免 in Southern Min from a synchronic and diachronic perspective. It not only occurs in negative imperatives, but also in the non-finite clause in indicative sentences in Ming and Qing playscripts. Negative imperatives are used to show that the speaker requests the addressee to make preparatory actions to avoid unpleasant behavior. The construction featuring put4 bian2 不免 indicates that the speaker performs an act that does not result from an optimal choice. M7 bian2 毋免 in modern Southern Min differs drastically from put4 bian2 不免 in the Ming and Qing in that m7 毋 is a form devoid of any meaning in the former, whereas the latter involves double negation. Furthermore, bian2 in modern Southern Min either combines with other negatives like bi7 未 to yield a frozen expression reflecting the subjective attitude of the speaker, or with kong2 講 to form another freeze taking on the function of a parenthetical. 本文從共時和歷時的觀點探討閩南語中「免」的用法。明清時期「免」除否定祈使式外,也用於帶非限定目的補語直陳句式中,表示說話者由於先有請求對方的準備動作,自己可以免於從事不悅的行為。「不免」句式表示說話者從事不是最佳選項的行為,現代閩南語的「毋免」和明清時期的「不免」大相逕庭,前者「免」為有形無義的語詞,後者為雙重否定。此外,現代閩南語「免」和其他否定語詞(如「未」)形成凝固語式,反映說話者的主觀看法,或和動詞「講」形成凝固語式,帶有插入語的功能。(This article is in Chinese.)

Full Text
Published version (Free)

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call