한국어의 의문사 조각구문과 유사수문구문

Abstract

In Merchant’s (2001, 2004) fragments, ellipsis in PF is preceded by A’-movement of the fragment to a clause-peripheral position. Island violations are repaired by ellipsis. In this article, however, we argue that island violations are not repaired by ellipsis in Korean wh-fragments where IP is elided when the wh-phrase moves from within a complex noun phrase or an adjunct clause island. On the other hand, the structure of Korean sluicing-like constructions corresponds to that of the cleft constructions which contain no islands to begin with (S. Lee 2020, 2021). Furthermore, we provide an account of why the negative island-sensitivity in sluicing-like constructions emerges within IP when the low wh-adjuncts such as ettehkhey ‘how’ appear with the negation induced by island-violating movement in LF.